CHAPTER 4-1

The “Clermont”

When to this creditable list is added a record of his numerous paintings and miniatures, and his far-sighted writings, “A Treatise on Canal Navigation,” “Torpedo Warfare,” his “Essay to the Friends of Mankind,” and his “Submarine Navigation,” and another essay entitled “Thoughts on Free Trade,” a cause for which he was an ardent advocate, and when it is remembered that he died at the age of fifty, there comes a sense of wonder that so short a working span could yield products so many and so diverse.

Washington Irving, in the zenith of his fame, was asked by members of Fulton’s family to write a biography of the inventor. After a tentative endeavor Mr. Irving gave up the undertaking. In 1878 a subsequent biographer, J. F. Reigart, in a hitherto unpublished letter to Fulton’s grandson, the late Robert Fulton Blight, recorded Irving as having said that “Fulton’s works were already immortal monuments upon the waters of the globe, and ornamented every city and public road of the land. lie could not possibly procure correct drawings or illustrations of Fulton’s mechanical inventions, and if he did, he had not the ability to specify or describe them; and to write a grand eulogy or literary essay would not be a correct biography of the greatest of inventors.”

A similar deterrent prevented his daughter from accomplishing a like desire. Cadwallader Colden, who wrote a life of Fulton, stated that the inventor had intended to write an autobiography but was too occupied with scientific work. It has remained, therefore, at the close of a century, for his great-granddaughter, although less qualified than her predecessors, to take up the delayed work of transcribing his family papers and to fulfil Barlow’s prophecy made in 1800 that he “would take care that it [Fulton’s patience] shall not be forgotten by the writer of your life, who I hope is not born yet.”

Upon his arrival in America from England in December, 1806, after a voyage of two months from Falmouth, Fulton immediately devoted himself to his several projects. The winter. was passed in the construction of the American boat, which he called the Clermont in gracious recognition of the hospitality which he had enjoyed at Chancellor Livingston’s country-place of that name on the Hudson. He engaged Charles Brownne, a shipbuilder of note, whose yards were at Corlear’s Hook on the East River, to construct the hull.

Already Fulton had expended a considerable sum of money upon the project, for we find in his notebook the following items:

February 5, 1804 Travelling from London to Birmingham and back again to order the steam engine	£8 —0—0
Jan. 21, 1805 To Messrs. Boulton Watt & Co. for cylinder and parts of the engine	£548 —0—0
March 18, 1805 To Messrs. Cave & Son, for Copper Boiler weighing 4,399 lbs at 2s. 2d. the lb. .	£476 —0—0
March, 1805 Fee at the Treasury on receiving permission to ship the Engine for America . .	£2 —0—0

The entry relative to the copper for the boiler refutes the legend, once current, that the boiler of the Clermont was made from copper pennies melted down. Early coins were worth their face value as metal, and collectors suppose that the rarity of certain issues of currency is due to the fact that the easiest and least costly way to procure copper, when the metal was needed for useful devices, was to melt coins. The story apparently arose from the extreme rarity of copper cents of the coinages of 1799—1804.

It has been asserted that the engine, after its arrival from Birmingham, lay for six months in charge of the New York Custom House before Fulton could raise the money to pay the duties, but the cause of delay may have arisen from the fact that the boat was not ready to receive the machinery. Finally it was stored at a Mr. Barker’s warehouse, for we find an entry in Fulton’s account book, on April 23, 1807, of £5 “to the carriage of the engine from Mr. Barker’s to the Boat.”

It is not known at what date the engine arrived in America, but it was in Mr. Barker’s warehouse on South Street for several months prior to its erection in the boat. From the grandchildren of Mr. Barker’s daughter, Mrs. Hunt of New Orleans, it is learned that Fulton invited Mr. Barker to accompany him on the first trip of the Clermont, and that Mr. Barker not only enjoyed the novel sensation but secured permission to take with him his little daughter Sarah, who ever after remembered her delight over the strange adventure. It is said that she was so tiny that she sat upon a plank stretched across the stern of the boat.

“FULTON ‘S FOLLY”

These are some of the other disbursements copied from the inventor’s notebook:

April 28, 1807,	To John Cunningham, for planks for fly and wheel spokes.	$23.48
May the 7,	To Mr. Jackson for sheet iron for the chimney	$26.25
May 15,	To Mr. Brownne.	400.00
June 3,	To Mr. Maxwell, for work done to Boiler	200.00
June 8,	To a wooden pump’ Thomas Smith	7.71
June 16,	To plank for the bottom of the boat	15.00
June 18,	To Mr. Martin, Brass Founder Pair of Sweeps To Peter Coruth, for iron braces for the boiler	50.00 4.00 22.00
June 8,	Chaldron of Coal	100.00
June 26,	To Mr. Brownne, for workmen’s wages	30.00
Aug. 1,	To a stone float in the boiler	1.75
Aug. 10,	Mr. Cunningham, for hickory plank James Trie, final settlement	8.88 10.00
Other interesting expenditures for the fittings of the Clermont follow:
Aug. 10,	To a North River man for the loan of an anchor Iron monger’s bill Dishes and plates	2.00 10.60 $4.00
Aug. 12,	Water Casks	3.00
Aug. 15,	Wine, sugar, brandy Mr. Johnson, the Mason Mr. Brownne, (the Ship Builder)	3.00 40.00 50.00

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES

At a special crisis when $1,000 was imperatively needed Fulton spent an evening in a vain attempt to convince an intimate friend of the practicability of his invention. The next morning he repeated his persuasions and the friend agreed to advance one hundred dollars with the proviso that Fulton should induce others of his friends to subscribe the remaining nine hundred. After great difficulty the inventor succeeded in obtaining the amount but only on the promise that the names of the subscribers should be kept secret, as they feared that their folly would become a matter of public ridicule.

Fulton’s own description of the Clermont is contained in a paper in possession of one of his heirs:

FULTON’S OWN DESCRIPTION OF THE STEAM BOAT

“My first steamboat on the Hudson’s River was 150 feet long, 13 feet wide, drawing 2 ft. of water, bow and stern 60 degrees: she displaced 86.40 cubic feet, equal 100 tons of water; her bow presented 26 ft. to the water, plus and minus the resistance of 1 ft. running 4 miles an hour.

In the “Nautical Gazette” the editor, Mr. Samuel Ward Stanton, gives the following additional details:

“The bottom of the boat was formed of yellow pine plank 1.5 in. thick, tongued and grooved, and set together with white lead. This bottom or platform was laid in a transverse platform and molded out with batten and nails. The shape of the bottom being thus formed, the floors of oak and spruce were placed across the bottom; the spruce floors being 4 x 8 inches and 2 feet apart. The oak floors were reserved for the ends, and were both sided and molded 8 inches. Her top timbers (which were of spruce and extended from a log that formed the bridge to the deck) were sided 6 inches and molded at heel, and both sided and molded 4 inches at the head. She had no guards when first built and was steered by a tiller. Her draft of water was 28 inches.”

Fulton did not take out a patent for his steamboat until February, 1809, and his second patent was secured October 2, 1810.

COMMERCIAL SUCCESS OF THE STEAM BOAT

The six plans here published have been submitted to Mr. Frank E. Kirby, the well-known naval architect, who drew the plans for the Hudson-Fulton Commission’s facsimile of the Clermont, and also designed the Hendrick Hudson, and many other large vessels. Mr. Kirby has identified these plans and given them the titles used herewith. He says: “The discovery of these plans of Robert Fulton’s is the most important addition to the authentic history of early steam navigation.”

Upon Sunday, the 9th of August, 1807, Fulton primarily tested the capabilities of his new boat upon the East River,—a fact not generally known. He wrote an account of this experimental trip in a letter to the Chancellor; the following important extracts are quoted from “The Livingstons of Callendar,” privately printed by Clermont and E. Brockholst Livingston:

“Yesterday about 12 o’clock I put the steamboat in motion first with a paddle 8 inches broad 3 feet long, with which I ran about one mile up the East River against a tide of about one mile an hour, it being nearly high water. I then anchored and put on another paddle 8 inches wide 3 feet long, started again and then, according to my best observations, I went 3 miles an hour, that is two against a tide of one: another board of 8 inches was wanting, which had not been prepared, I therefore turned the boat and ran down with the tide—and turned her round neatly into the berth from which I parted. She answers the helm equal to any thing that ever was built, and I turned her twice in three times her own length.

Much has been proved by this experiment. First that she will, when in complete order, run up to my full calculations. Second, that my axles, I believe, will be sufficiently strong to run the engine to her full power. Third, that she steers well, and can be turned with ease.” And he jubilantly continues, after giving some further particulars concerning the working of the engine, and some contemplated alterations to the paddles, “yesterday I beat all the sloops that were endeavoring to stem tide with the slight breeze which they had; had I hoisted my sails I consequently should have had all their means added to my own. Whatever may be the fate of steamboats for the Hudson, everything is completely proved for the Mississippi, and the object is immense.” In this letter he also mentions that he expects his contemplated “corrections, with the finishing of the cabins, will take me the whole week, and I shall start on Monday next at 4 miles an hour."

HISTORIC FIRST VOYAGE OF THE STEAM BOAT

My dear sw:
The moment arrived in which the word was to be given for the boat to move. My friends were in groups on the deck. There was anxiety mixed with fear among them. They were silent, sad and weary. I read in their looks nothing but disaster, and almost repented of my efforts. The signal was given and the boat moved on a short distance and then stopped and became immovable. To the silence of the preceding moment, now succeeded murmurs of discontent, and agitations, and whispers and shrugs. I could hear distinctly repeated—”I told you it was so; it is a foolish scheme: I wish we were well out of it.”

I elevated myself upon a platform and addressed the assembly. I stated that I knew not what was the matter, but if they would be quiet and indulge me for half an hour, I would either go on or abandon the voyage for that time. This short respite was conceded without objection. I went below and examined the machinery, and discovered that the cause was a slight maladjustment of some of the work. In a short time it was obviated. The boat was again put in motion. She continued to move on. All were still incredulous. None seemed willing to trust the evidence of their own senses.

We left the fair city of New York; we passed through the romantic and ever-varying scenery of the Highlands; we descried the clustering houses of Albany; we reached its shores,—and then, even then, when all seemed achieved, I was the victim of disappointment. Imagination superseded the influence of fact. It was then doubted if it could be done again, or if done, it was doubted if it could be made of any great value.

Yours,
R. FULTON.

After the first voyage Fulton recognized the misplacement of the tiller and proposed an adjustment of guiding ropes from each side of the tiller to a forward wheel near the mainmast, and this alteration was made before the vessel passed into commercial service. There was no steam whistle, and upon the arrival of the boat at a wharf a horn was blown, and some of the crew set to work to carry enough wood on board to supply fuel to last until the next landing.

Like the vessel itself the impression it made was unique. It was described as an “ungainly craft looking precisely like a backwoods sawmill mounted on a scow and set on lire.” It is easy to fancy the astonishment and alarm of the crews of the ordinary sailing boats of the river and of the dwellers in the towns along the shores. Some of the sailors, it is asserted, when they saw “this queer-looking sailless thing” gaining upon them in spite of contrary wind and tide, actually abandoned their vessels and took to the woods in fright.

Others who saw the boat in the night described her as a “monster moving on the waters defying the winds and tide, and breathing flames and smoke.” Some prostrated themselves and prayed a kind Providence for protection from the approaches of the monster, which was marching on the waters and lighting its pathway with fire.

It is easy in this day of full understanding to find amusement in their overwhelming consternation, but the appearance of the boat must indeed have been terrific. The fuel used was pine wood, and when the fire was stirred by the engineer a galaxy of sparks ascended. No wonder that the quiet dwellers in the valley were frightened by the novel sight.

Miss Helen Livingston, daughter of Gilbert R. Livingston, who with her sister Kate had been visiting “Liberty Hall” at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, the home of their cousin William Livingston, Governor of the State, had written at the conclusion of her visit:

“My dear mother will be glad to know that we are soon to return home. Cousin Chancellor has a wonderful new boat which is to make the voyage up the Hudson some day soon. It will hold a good many passengers and he has, with his usual kindness, invited us to be of the party. He says it will be something to remember all our lives. He says we need not trouble ourselves about provisions, as his men will see to all that. In the mean time we are enjoying ourselves very much; everybody is so kind and cordial.”

Other passengers, besides Livingston and Fulton, were John R. Livingston and John Swift Livingston, and Doctor Mitchell and Doctor McNeven, to whom Cadwallader Colden, who wrote a Life of Fulton, acknowledges his description of the voyage; the Dean of Ripon Cathedral, England, who was enroute to visit the Chancellor, and Mr. Barker with his little daughter.

Helen Livingston, whose girlish letter of invitation has been quoted and who later married William Mather Smith, confided to her granddaughter an intensely interesting fact which occurred on the second day of the progress up the river. Just before the boat was about to cast anchor off Clermont, the Chancellor announced the betrothal of Robert Fulton to his young kinswoman, Harriet Livingston, and made the prophecy that the “name of the inventor would descend to posterity as a benefactor to the world,” and that it was not impossible that before the close of the present century, vessels might even be able to make the voyage to Europe without other motive power than steam. This hardy prediction was received with but moderate approval by any; while smiles of incredulity were exchanged between those who were so placed that they could not be seen by the speech maker or the inventor. John R. Livingston was heard to say, in an aside to his cousin John Swift Livingston, that “Bob has had many a bee in his bonnet before now, but this steam folly will prove the worst yet!”

An early newspaper clipping is authority for the statement that Fulton had previously asked the Chancellor, “Is it presumptuous in me to aspire to the hand of Miss Harriet Livingston?” “By no means,” the distinguished Chancellor is said to have replied, “her father may object because you are a humble and poor inventor, and the family may object —but if Harriet does not object,—and she seems to have a world of good sense,—go ahead, and my best wishes and blessings go with you.

Certainly that day was one of crowning glory in Fulton’s life. He was now forty-two years old, and a prominent man upon both sides of the Atlantic, vouched for by Chancellor Livingston, who recognized the fine manhood and superior talents of the inventor, and who had in France known his prestige and popularity with Barlow and other men of distinction. It was natural that Harriet Livingston should return Fulton’s regard by an estimate of his genius amounting to enthusiasm. A contemporaneous writer described him thus:

“Among a thousand individuals you might readily point out Robert Fulton. He was conspicuous for his gentle, manly bearing and freedom from embarrassment, for his extreme activity, his height, somewhat over six feet,—his slender yet energetic form and well accommodated dress, for his full and curly dark brown hair, carelessly scattered over his forehead and falling around his neck. His complexion was fair, his forehead high, his eyes dark and penetrating and revolving in a capacious orbit of cavernous depths; his brow was thick and evinced strength and determination; his nose was long and prominent, his mouth and lips were beautifully proportioned, giving the impress of eloquent utterance. Trifles were not calculated to impede him or damp his perseverance.”

“There were many distinguished and fine-looking men on board the Clermont, but my grand-mother always described Robert Fulton as surpassing them all. ‘That son of a Pennsylvania farmer,’ she was wont to say, ‘was really a prince among men. He was as modest as he was great, and as handsome as he was modest. His eyes were glorious with love and genius.'"

“I was so constantly with Mr. Fulton, saw him at his occupation, at his family fireside, and in almost every situation, that I have to this day a most distinct and strongly impressed likeness on my mind.—He had all the traits of a man with the gentleness of a child. I never heard him use ill words to any one of those employed under him no matter how strong the provocation might be,—and I do know there was enough of that at times; and ever and anon my mind recurs to the times when his labours were so severe. His habit was, cane in hand, to walk up and down for hours. I see him now in my mind’s eye, with his white, loosely-tied cravat, his waistcoat unbuttoned, his ruffles waving from side to side as his movements caused their movements; he, all the while in deep thought, scarcely noticing anything passing him.”

The late J. B. Calhoun of Brooklyn, who was in Fulton’s employ at the time of the Latter’s death in 1815, described Fulton as a tall, somewhat slender man, of fair, delicate complexion, of graceful, dignified bearing, and mild and gentle in his temper. He said: “His workmen were always pleased to see him about his shops. With his rattan cane in hand, he always appeared to me a counterpart of an English nobleman.”

It is impossible to overestimate the intensity of the suspense and interest of Fulton and his friends as the Clermont proceeded upon her voyage. The apprehension of the incredulous was turned to joyous approval and wondering satisfaction. When the guests realized the safety and success of the invention, they were moved to merriment and broke into song. In the stern sat a throng of gaily dressed gentlemen and ladies, and as the boat moved through the glorious scenery of the Highlands some one struck up “Ye Banks and Braes o’ Bonny Doon,” said to have been Fulton’s favorite song, appropriate enough from the lips of the members of the Scottish Fulton and Livingston families upon America’s most bonny river.

Ye banks and braes o’ bonny Doon
How can ye bloom sae fresh and fair;
How can ye chant, ye little birds,
And I sae weary fu’ of care?1

The “American Citizen” contained this brief notice:

Mr. Fulton’s Ingenious Steam Boat, invented with a view to the navigation of the Mississippi from New Orleans upward, sails today from the North River, near State’s Prison, to Albany. The velocity of the Steamboat is calculated at four miles an hour. It is said it will make a progress of two against the current of the Mississippi, and if so it will certainly be a very valuable acquisition to the commerce of Western States.

Fulton himself, sensible of the recognition of the one newspaper which had chronicled his departure, wrote a letter to the “American Citizen,” which practically contains “a sailor’s log” of the first trip of the Clermont.

New York, August 20.

To THE EDITOR OF THE AMERICAN CITIZEN,

Sir:
I arrived this afternoon at 4 o’clock, [on] the steam boat from Albany. As the success of my experiment gives me great hope that such boats may be rendered of much importance to my country, to prevent erroneous opinions, and to give some satisfaction to the friends of useful improvements, you will have the goodness to publish the following statement of facts:

I left New York on Monday at 1 o’clock, and arrived at Clermont, the seat of Chancellor Livingston, at 1 o’clock on Tuesday, time 24 hours, distance 110 miles: On Wednesday I departed from the Chancellor’s at 9 in the morning, and arrived at Albany at 5 in the afternoon, distance 40 miles, time 8 hours; the sum of this is 150 miles in 82 hours, equal near 5 miles an hour.

On Thursday at 9 o’clock in the morning I left Albany and arrived at the Chancellor’s at 6 in the evening; I started from thence at 7, and arrived at New York on Friday at 4 in the afternoon; time 30 hours, space run through 150 miles, equal 5 miles an hour. Throughout the whole way my going and returning the wind was ahead; no advantage could be drawn from my sails—the whole has therefore been performed by the power of the steam engine.

I am, Sir, Your most obedient,
ROBERT FULTON.

The night of August 17th was spent by the company within such shelter as the boat could afford. Flickering candles gave scant illumination in the cabin. Probably there were improvised couches for the ladies of the party, but we know from Fulton’s family note-book that the bedding for the boat was not purchased until the month of September, when it appears that he paid for it $80.75 to a Mr. Lym, and about the same time bought “knives and forks” for $5 from James Wood.

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