Editor's note: The following text was originally published in 1793 from the newspapers listed below. Thanks to volunteer researcher George A. Thompson for finding, cataloging and transcribing this article. The language, spelling and grammar of the article reflects the time period when it was written. ![]() HMS "Iris" dismasted by the French Frigate "Citoyenne-Francaise" 13 May 1793. Thomas Luny, date unknown. Public Domain, via Wikimedia Commons. While no images of the fight described in these reports are available, this scene depicts a similar combat between similar ships in 1793. Both are single-deck frigates engaging, with the British getting the worst of it. Note the tendency in naval engagements in the age of sail to target the rigging as much as possible to immobilize the target. British Orders to Engage the French Frigate received. "Boston", August 5. The master of a vessel lately arrived at Newport from Jamaica, on his passage spoke with Captain Courtnay, commander of his Britannic Majesty's frigate "Boston", of 32 guns, who informed him, that he had positive orders to cruise near the Sound until he met the French frigate "l'Embuscade" --------- Further accounts state, that the "Boston" had arrived at the Hook, and that the commander had sent up a challenge to Capt. Bompard, of the "l'Embuscade", and informed him that he should be there about three days in waiting for him, and that he wished much to see him. Capt Bompard was preparing to meet him. Diary; or, Loudon's Register, August 8, 1793, p. 3, col. 2 "L'Embuscade Frigate". We the subscribers do certify, are ready to make oath, if required, that have been hailed by, and obliged to go on board his Britannic Majesty's frigate the "Boston", on the 29th of July last, Capt. Courtnay, the commander thereof, requested us to inform Citizen Bompard (meaning the Captain of the French frigate "l'Embuscade") "That he would be glad to see -- and was then waiting for him," or words fully to that import. And we further certify that a mid-ship-man of the "Boston", who came in the boat with us until he was near Governor's-Island, assured us, "that the "Boston" was fitted out for the express purpose of fighting and taking the "Ambuscade"; and that Capt. Courtnay had on that account been permitted to take on board, at Halifax, as large a number of extra seamen, as he thought proper. Peter Deschent, C. Orset, Esq., Andrew Allen. Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), August 6, 1793, p. 3, col. 1 [the "Esq." added in pen] Challenge Issued! Capt. Dennis, of the United States revenue cutter "Vigilant", came up on Sunday evening from Sandy Hook: He informs us that at 4 P. M. of the afternoon of said day, 2 leagues E. by S. of the Hook, spoke the British frigate "Boston", of 32 guns, commanded by Capt. Courtnay, having in company with him a small schooner of 8 guns. -- Capt. Courtnay, informed Capt. Dennis he wou'd be very happy to see the French Republic's frigate "L'Embuscade", Citizen [?] Bompard, at any time within five days: -- (If we are to judge from appearances on board the "l'Embuscade", it is more than probably he will be gratified with a sight of her.) The following note was on the Coffee-house book yesterday afternoon: -- "Citizen Bompar's compliments wait Capt. Courtnay -- will meet him agreeable to invitation -- hopes to find him at the Hook to-morrow. -- dated Monday, July 29th. We hear that nine vessels are chartered by different parties for the Hook, in order to see the action between the "L'Embuscade" and the "Boston" frigate. Daily Advertiser (New York, N. Y.), July 30, 1793, p. 2, col. 5 - p. 3, col. 1 Challenge Accepted! Spectators Gather! FOR SANDY HOOK For the purpose of carrying Passengers. The beautiful and fast sailing Schooner "EXPERIMENT", Charles Buckley, Master, Will sail as soon as the French frigate "l'Embuscade" gets under way. For passage apply to the master on board. It is desired of those who wish for a passage to call by 10 o'clock. Said schooner lies at Jone's new Wharf. July 30. D Advertiser, July 30, 1793, p. 3, col. 1 Please insert the following, and oblige many of your customers: We hear that a number of boats are engaged, for the purpose of conveying some of the lovers of Royalty, who reside among us, on board His Most Gracious Majesty's Frigate "Boston", now cruising off Sandy Hook, to congratulate the Right Honorable Mr. Courtnay, on his safe arrival in these latitudes. The Whigs of New-York, will do well to mark those men who are most forward on this business, for it is too true, that we harbour miscreants among us, who will scarce treat a Frenchman with common civility in the street, and yet will go 40 or 50 miles to make obeisance to a titled Briton -- Mark these men, I say. DEMOCRAT. Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), July 29, 1793, p. 3, col. 1; When Citizen Bompard or the "l'Embuscade", received the invitation from the British Frigate, "Boston", for a visit at the Hook, he immediately put every thing in train to visit his honourable friend, Capt. Courtnay. Yesterday and the day before, all hands were busied on board the "l'Embuscade"; and being in complete order, she weighed anchor, at 5 o'clock this morning, and fell down with the tide, round the Battery and was obliged to anchor in the North River, the tide being spent, and the wind ahead; lay there till past three o'clock this afternoon -- It is expected she will weigh anchor in the course of the afternoon, and must beat down against the wind, he, and all hands on board, being eager to pay their respectful salutations to Capt. Courtney, who they say is impatiently waiting for Capt. Bompard. It is not thought improbable but that Capt. Courtney, with the "Boston", may visit New York before he leaves the coast; others wish that Capt. Bompard may visit Halifax, at the company of the French people is not well relished by some people here. How that may turn out, we may hear is two or three days. Some think, that as a fleet of French ships are hourly expected here from Baltimore, the visit my be interrupted. Number of gentlemen are gone to the Hook, as witnesses to the important visit of these two Commanders, belonging to the two greatest nations on earth. Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), July 30, 1793, p. 3, col. 3; The following LETTER was transmitted by Citizen BOMPARD, to Captain Courtnay, of the British frigate "Boston", on hearing that the latter "would be happy to see him at the Hook." "On board of the French republic's frigate, "L'Embuscade", 29th of July, 1793, the 2d year of the Republic. "SIR, "I have received an invitation by a sloop which you boarded yesterday, to sail out of this harbour and fight your frigate; I should not have hesitated a moment to comply with your wishes (which seems to me only ostensible) had you conveyed your challenge in the mode that honour prescribes. Upon an occasion of this kind, I should have written to the opposite commandant, and have pledged my honour, that I was unattended by any other armed vessell, and that I would not employ any artifice or strategem, unbecoming the character of a brave and candid soldier; as you have conducted yourself in a different manner, you must be sensible that I cannot consistently with my duty, expose the brave man I have the honour to command, on vague and unauthenticated reports. "Therefore, sir, if you are really the brave man, you pretend to be, pursue the above measures, and as soon as I receive your answer, shall do myself the honour of waiting upon you. (Signed.) BOMPARD, Captain-Commander of the "L'Embuscade "N. B. Citizen Bompard, having not received an answer to the above letter, resolved however not to disappoint the martial ardor of Captain Courtnay, and accordingly has sailed this morning out of the harbor to wait upon him." Grand Naval Combat. The following information is given us by one of the hands belonging to the Pilot Boat Hound, of this port: --- On Wednesday night last, about 8 o'clock, the pilot boat fell in with, to the southward of the Hook, the two frigates "L'Embuscade" and "Boston", standing on one course, and took a birth between the two until towards day light, when the boat sheered off out the reach of their guns, and lay to. After day light the "L'Embuscade" fired a gun and hoisted the National flag of France, which was shortly after hoisted by the British frigate. The "L'Embuscade" then bore down upon the "Boston", both ships being then between the Grove and the Woodlands, distant about 5 leagues S. E. of the Hook. The "Boston" endeavoured several times to get to windward of the "L'Embuscade", but not being able to accomplish her point, she was obliged to come to close action precisely at 37 minutes past five o'clock, A. M. The action continued from that time until half past seven -- during the course of which the "L'Embuscade's" colours were shot away, which induced our informant to suppose she had struck, but shortly hoisted them again. In a little time the same accident happened to the "Boston", which was as soon replaced. The "L'Embuscade" attempted to board the "Boston", but failed. About 7 o'clock the fire from the "L'Embuscade" was somewhat slackened, but seemed to be renewed from the "Boston", when a shot from the "L'Embuscade" struck the main-top-mast of the "Boston", and carried it overboard; on which she immediately ceased firing, crouded all the sail she could and ran off -- the "L'Embuscade" fired three guns more at her as a token of Victory, and as soon as she could get underway to follow the "Boston", of which she was delayed in about half an hour, owing to her rigging and sails being very much mutilated) she gave her chace, which out informant assures us she continued till past nine o'clock, when both ships were out of sight. --- They were both steering to the southward. (The above account is corroborated by the information of another person who was on board the pilot boat "Hound", and saw the whole action very distinctly with the naked eye.) Daily Advertiser (New York, N. Y.), August 2, 1793, p. 3, col. 1; Another Account. Thursday morning, August 1st, 1793, on board sloop "Friendship", Capt. Peterson, (a Newport Packet.) AT 6 o'clock, A. M. distant four miles from the Hook. Got under way immediately and sailed towards the vessels; at half past 6 o'clock, discovered them to be engaged a cable's length assunder, at 45 minutes past 6 o'clock saw the windward ship (the "L'Embuscade") had lost the fore-top-sail-tie. Both ships standing W at 50 minutes past 6 o'clock, the leeward ship "Boston" lost her main-top-mast, and the head of her main-mast also apparently carried away. At 55 minutes past 6 o'clock, the firing ceased, both ships appearing to be repairing their damages, when the "Boston" bore off, before the wind (S. W.) At 8 minutes past 7 o'clock the "L'Embuscade" bore down to engage again. 20 minutes past 7, saw the British union flying in the mizen shrouds of the crippled ship -- the national colours flying at the mizen peak of the "L'Embuscade". At 35 minutes past 7 o'clock saw the "Boston", with studding sails alow and aloft, making every effort to get off -- The "L'Embuscade" still repairing, but making what sail she could to follow. At 8 o'clock the "Boston", under full sail still, was about a league a head of the "L'Embuscade", steering S. W. about 9 knots an hour; The latter carrying a foresail, a fore-topsail a foretop-gallant-sail, main-top-sail and mizen-topsail set, the main sail loose. At 20 minutes past 8 o'clock, . . . the ships 1 1-2 league asunder, the "L'Embuscade having set her bower studding sails; at 33 minutes past 9 o'clock, could just discern the "L'Embuscade"; at 50 minutes past 9 o'clock, discerned the "Boston", from the mast head, the "L'Embuscade" still pursuing, and overhawling the "Boston". Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), August 2, 1793, p. 3, col. 4 French Fleet. Last Evening, the French Fleet which has been so long expected from the Chesapeake, arrived in this port, consisting of 15 sail. On their approach toward the city, the citizens, to the number of several thousands, collected on the battery, to welcome them to our port. After they had come to anchor off the battery, the Admiral, accompanied by several other officers, came on shore in the barge, and waited on his Excellency the Governor, at the government house; a few moments after which the Admiral's ship fired a salute, which was immediately answered from our battery, with three cheers from the amazing concourse attending. L'Embuscade Frigate. What greatly added to the beauty of this scene was the arrival of the "L'Embuscade", from her cruise -- as she approached, the people assembled were at a loss how to express their joy, having heard of the gallant behavior of Citizen Bompard, the commander, and his crew -- continued shouts and huzzas were vociferated, which were returned from on board, until she had passed into the East River. We have just learnt, that only 7 men were killed, and 10 wounded in the engagement, which was incessant for three glasses, in which time both ships were much burnt in their rigging, and the main top mast of the "Boston" was carried away before the wind, was pursued by the "L'Embuscade", but out sailing her, the "L'Embuscade" abandoned her fell in with, and took a Portuguese brig, richly laden, and has thus safely arrived to the Universal joy of their brethren in this city. A great variety of accounts have been handed the public on the subject of the battle between the "L'Embuscade" and "Boston", all of which agree, that the arrogant Capt. Courtnay, of the "Boston", received a most severe drubbing from the gallant Captain Bompard, of the "L'Embuscade". Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), August 3, 1793, p. 3, col. 1, from N-Y Journal We are favored through a Correspondent with the following relation of the late action between the frigates "L'Embuscade" and "Boston" given by an Officer who was on board the former of these ships. "Though the Challenge given by Capt. Courtnay to Capt. Bompard, on the 29th ult. has become a topic of common conversation, I mean not to enter into a discussion of the propriety or impropriety thereof, but only state facts, leaving each candid Republican in this Land to decide as he thinks proper, on the final event. I cannot help observing that on the morning of the day when the challenge was received, the Crew of the "L'Embuscade" had been permitted to make a holiday; notwithstanding which, as soon as they received information of this uncommon and unexpected summons, assembled with a distinguished cheerfulness and zeal, worthy of the cause in which they were engaged; for, though the situation of the frigate would on common occasions have required the work of three days to fit her for sea, she nevertheless, by their extraordinary exertions, weighed anchor in twenty-four hours. Owing to contrary winds, we did not reach Sandy-Hook till the 31st ult. at two o'clock, P. M. when the Captain ordered to steer to the eastward, in anxious expectation of seeing his antagonist at the place of rendezvous, but we did not find him there. Capt. Bompard, stimulated by the natural feelings of a soldier, to gratify Captain Courtnay in his wish, steered on the eastward five leagues farther, in hopes of meeting this new champion of chivalry, and at four in the morning of the 1st of August, having then our larboard tacks on board, seeing at the same time an English brig, at which we fired a gun, and hoisted our national colours, when the brig wore and hauled her wind, on the same tack with the ship, which we were then convinced was a frigate, with French colours flying. On this, Captain Bompard ordered the private signal to be made, which not being answered by the other, left no room to doubt that she was our challenging rival. In our approach to each other, the Boston endeavored to get to windward, but without success, at last we got so close, that Captain Courtnay relinquished his disguise, substituting in its room, the royal colors. This was at three-quarters past five, when Captain Bompard in his jacket, came forward, and sundry times, in a very loud voice, called Captain Courtnay by name, who, instead of a common reply, very politely answered with a broadside. A Thousand Huzzas! A Thousand cries of Vive la Republique Francoise! announced to the Georgists of Halifax, the impression which their royal artillery made on the hearts of Republicans!!! The crew of the "Boston" was silent, and the netting prevented us seeing the face of her noble Commander. The "L'Embuscade" permitted the "Boston" to shoot ahead, and then attempted to put about, but missing stays, continued on the same tack. The "Boston" then wore, when the "L'Embuscade" backed her main and mizen topsail, and as she passed began her fire; it was not quick, but time will probably prove that it was well directed. The fight continued till three quarters past seven, when a shot carrying away the "Boston's" main top-mast, she instantly wore and made tail before the wind. She must have suffered severely, and we were so much crippled in our masts and rigging, our braces, bowlings, &c. being cut to pieces, that it was some time before we could wear, not could we work the ship with the same dispatch the enemy did. The enemy by this means had gained a considerable distance from us, being still before the wind with all the sail she could possibly crowd; but we found that the state of our masts would not admit of a press of sail, we nevertheless continued the chase till 11 o'clock, when seeing that we had no chance of coming up, and discovering at same time a Portuguese brig, within two miles of the "Boston", we made sail after and captured her, as a proof of our victory and the enemy's defeat We then hove to till the necessary repairs were completed, and afterwards made the best of our way for New-York. We had seven men killed in action, and fifteen wounded. Our people say, they was a number of men thrown overboard from the English frigate; their wounded we have great reason to believe are numerous, as our fire, during the whole of the action, was directed with that deliberate coolness, characteristic of Republican valor. The fire of the "Boston" did much more damage to our rigging than to our hull, and . . . in contradiction to the rules of war, generally adhered to by civilized nations, they fired at us a quantity of old iron, nails, broken knives, broken pots, and broken bottles -- a mode of warfare with which their enemy was then, and I hope ever will be unacquainted. It may be proper to mention, that Capt. Bompard endeavored to board the enemy, in which case broken bottles would have proved of little service, but this the British Captain prudently avoided; whether, when all the circumstances of the challenge are taken into view, his nation will promote him for this act of wisdom: I cannot say, it would be difficult to say, whether the cool deliberate courage, or the innocent cheerful gaiety of the citizens of the "L'Embuscade", was most conspicuous during the engagement. Those who had never been in action before, were astonished to behold what little effect a broad side was attended with. I will say nothing of our intrepid Captain, it would be doing him an injury to attempt his praise. Our ship's colours, torn as they were at the close of the action, have been presented to the Tammany Society of this city, as a token of that respect which those virtuous patriots merit, in our opinion, from their Republican Brethren of France. Diary; or, Loudon's Register, August 6, 1793, p. 3, cols. 1-2; PHILADELPHIA, August 2. "L'EMBUSCADE" FRIGATE. Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Long Branch to his friend in this city, dated August 1, 1795. "This morning we were gratified with the view of an action between "L'Embuscade" and an English frigate of about the same size, which is said to have come from Halifax, on purpose to attack her. The action began at about half after five this morning, and lasted till near seven, the firing was tremendous, and both vessels during the action appeared at time to be much in confusion. At length the French ship shot away the main-top-gallant mast of the English man, and that shot appeared to decide the fate of the battle, for she immediately bore off. The "L'Embuscade" had her sails clued up, and appears willing to attack, provided the other does not run away. She has, however, beat the English ship completely. Daily Advertiser, August 6, 1793, p. 2, col. 3 New-York, August 3. About 7 o'clock last evening came up and anchored in the East river, amid the repeated huzzas of the citizens of New-York, the French frigate "L'EMBUSCADE". We have been enabled only to gain a few particulars of the action between her and the "Boston", for this day's paper -- the whole of which we hope to lay before our readers on Monday: It appears that the action commenced about the same time, and ended in nearly the same manner as mentioned in our paper of yesterday -- that the "l'Embuscade" chased the "Boston" about five hours to the Southward, when owing to the shattered condition of her sails and rigging, and espying a Portuguese Brig off, she gave over chasing the "Boston" frigate, and pursued the Brig which she captured and brought to this city. The Frigate "L'Embuscade" had six men killed and twelve men wounded, but they supposed the number of killed and woulded on board the "Boston" must have been much more, as they saw her throw 21 bodies overboard during the chase; her pumps were kept constantly going. It is supposed Capt. Courtnay is among the slain. The "L'Embuscade's" masts are so full of shot holes that she will be obliged to replace the whole with new ones. General Advertiser (Philadelphia, Pa.), August 6, 1793, p. 2, col. An English visitor's account The day of my first arrival in New York was rendered memorable by the severe engagement which took place off Sandy Hook, between the "Boston" and the "Ambuscade". We heard distinctly the broadsides as we passed down Long Island Sound, but knew not on what account they were fired. This battle being premeditated on the part of the French, various were the conjectures respecting the cause, and I therefore took some pains to gain correct information. The "Ambuscade", a large 44 gun frigate, had been some time lying opposite to New York, and it was known that the "Boston" was stationed on the outside of Sandy Hook. Captain Bompard, who commanded the "Ambuscade", had given no intimation of his intended departure, until, on a sudden, preparations were made to go out, and a report was spread that Captain Courtenay, the British commander, had sent him a challenge. The circumstance which gave rise to the report was this: A pilot-boat had carried some provisions to the "Boston", and as the pilot was returning down the side of the ship to his boat, a young midshipman said to him, "give our compliments to Captain Bompard, and tell him we shall be glad of his company on this side the Hook." This lost nothing by the way in being communicated to the French commander, who was even told that it was a direct challenge from Captain Courtenay. It soon spread over New York, and the French faction began to feel ashamed that their ship should be blockaded, and thus challenged to come out, by an enemy so inferior in force. This was a spur to Bompard, who, having taken on board a number of American seamen that had offered themselves as volunteers, he promised to chastise the haughty foe. He accordingly went out, attended by a great number of vessels and boats crowded with Americans to witness the fight. The "Boston" soon descried the enemy, and was observed to alter her tacks and to prepare for battle, which soon began on the part of the French, while her antagonist waited her neared approach. The Gallic-Americans assembled on the occasion had already begun to persuade themselves that the little "Boston" was declining an engagement, when she opened a tremendous and incessant fire. I was informed, so rapid were her broadsides, that she gave three to two received from her enemy during the whole engagement. In the heat of battle the brave Captain Courtenay was killed, and the first lieutenant of the "Boston" badly wounded. The latter, having passed through the surgeon's hands, was brought on deck, and proved an able substitute for his deceased captain during the remainder of the bloody conflict. The mainmast of the "Ambuscade" was shot through, and could barely be supported by the shrouds -- a breeze would have carried it by the board. The "Boston" having lost her fore-top-mast, she put about to replace it, and soon after descrying the French fleet from St. Domingo, she made sail towards Halifax, while the "Ambuscade" declined following, happy, no doubt, in getting back. The Democrats set up the cry of victory, and they publicly rejoiced at what I thought a discomfiture. Next morning I mixed among a group going on board the "Ambuscade", and there, for the only time, saw the horrid issue of battle. The decks were still in parts covered with blood -- large clots lay here and there where the victim had expired. The mast, divested of splinters, I could have crept through; and her sides were perforated with balls. I shrunk from this scene of horror, though amongst the enemies of my native country. The wounded were landed, and sent to the hospital. I counted thirteen on pallets, and double that number less severely wounded. Nothing but commiseration resounded through the streets, while the ladies tore their chemises to bind up the wounds. Advertisements were actually issued for linen for that purpose, and surgeons and nurses repaired to the sick ward. The French officers would not acknowledge the amount of their slain. I calculate the proportion to the wounded must have been at least twenty. I afterwards went on board the "Jupiter", a line of battle ship, and one of the St. Domingo squadron. The sons of equality were a dirty ragged creww, and their ship was very filthy. I witnessed Bompard's triumphal landing the day after the engagement. He was hailed by the gaping infatuated mob with admiration, and received by a number of the higher order of Democrats with exultation. They feasted him, and gave entertainments in honour of his asserted victory. He was a very small elderly man, but dressed like a first-rate beau, and doubtless fancied himself upon this occasion six feet high! At this moment I verily believe the mob would have torn me piecemeal had I been pointed at as a stranger just arrived from England. I ground this supposition on the fact of a British lieutenant of the navy having been insulted the same day at the Tontine coffee-house; but he escaped farther injury by jumping over the iron railing in front of the house. The flags of the sister republics were entwined in the public room. Some gentleman secretly removed the French ensign, on which rewards were offered for a discovery of the offender, but he remained in secret. Charles William Janson. The Stranger in America. London, 1807. pp. 428-31. 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Welcome to Sail Freighter Fridays! This article is part of a series linked to our new exhibit: "A New Age Of Sail: The History And Future Of Sail Freight In The Hudson Valley," and tells the stories of sailing cargo ships both modern and historical, on the Hudson River and around the world. Anyone interested in how to support Sail Freight should also check out the Conference in November, and the International Windship Association's Decade of Wind Propulsion. The Sloop Experiment was built in Albany in 1785, and was the second US-Flagged vessel to trade with the Qing Empire in China. Over the course of 18 months, Captain Stewart Dean and the crew of 9 sailed over 14,000 miles each way in a 59-foot, 85 ton sloop around the Cape of Good Hope. The return journey took four months and 12 days, a reasonably fast passage around the Cape and across the Atlantic. The Experiment carried a hold full of tar, Ginseng, turpentine, alcohol, tobacco, furs, and cash, which were traded in China and surrounding areas for the Chinese luxury goods which were in high demand in New York and Albany. Cargo brought back included silks, fine porcelain, tea, and other luxury goods. After finding that port fees in China were charged the same for all vessels, regardless of size, the Experiment never made another trip to China, but still turned a decent profit. With the economics of these port fees in favor of larger ships trading with China, the Experiment returned to the Hudson River Trade, carrying passengers and cargo between Albany and New York for a number of years. Captain Dean evidently made several other trips to China, but in other, larger vessels. It seems the Experiment went back to the Hudson River trade after her famous trip to China, and was unique on the Hudson for having the cabin outfitted and decorated in a Chinese style. It was remarked in 1789 that the Experiment's accommodations were quite comfortable, and the captain entertained guests with stories of the epic voyage he had taken in the vessel 5 years before. AuthorSteven Woods is the Solaris and Education coordinator at HRMM. He earned his Master's degree in Resilient and Sustainable Communities at Prescott College, and wrote his thesis on the revival of Sail Freight for supplying the New York Metro Area's food needs. Steven has worked in Museums for over 20 years. If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
In May of 2022, the Hudson River Maritime Museum will be running a Grain Race in cooperation with the Schooner Apollonia, The Northeast Grainshed Alliance, and the Center for Post Carbon Logistics. Anyone interested in the race can find out more here. Grains, as we've seen, were historically and are today a very important agricultural commodity, transported around the world. The 18th century is an especially important time for Grain Shipments in the Northeast, as the current 8-state region in which this competition will take place was producing a large amount of grain exported all around the Atlantic World. New York sent large amounts of Flour and grains to the West Indies, alongside fish, vegetables, timber, and fruits. As the West Indies were essentially a monocrop sugar plantation run entirely with enslaved labor, they needed to import everything from elsewhere. Corn, wheat, and other grains were also sent to the Carolinas from New York, as explained in Peter Kalm's "Travels in North America." Additional grain trade to Europe took place from New York harbor. New England also sent large amounts of grains as exports, though less wheat as conditions were not as favorable for growing it as they were in the Mid-Atlantic colonies. However, grain was shipped from New York and New Jersey into the New England colonies and States, while Fish remained a major regional export. Coastal trading in farm surpluses did include a significant quantity of corn and flour moving into cities such as Boston and being sold there. In Charlestown, NH, the record books of Phineas Stevens' store in the 1740s and 1750s show many debts being paid off in Corn, which Stevens then shipped South into Massachusetts and Connecticut for sale in more densely populated areas. It was moved normally by Canoe down the Connecticut River, then by wagon from the river to a warehouse. The easy cultivation and transportability of grains, alongside their market value in cities made them a good cash crop where few others were available. Aside from the scattered records of individual ships, companies, and ports, there is little to trace direct shipments and the volume of trade in grains, but it was certainly considerable. In many ways, it was Fish, Flour, Rum, and Timber which pervaded the export economy of the Northeast, and were sold to the entire Atlantic World. Domestically, a large amount of grain cargo was moved, whether by pack animals, carts, canoes, or ships. These exports then paid for manufactured goods such as glass, lead, paint, tea, coffee, paper, and others. Taxes on many of these imported goods would lead to grievances over the long term, which eventually spiraled into the American Revolution. Grain in the 18th century was a very important commodity and remains so today. Then as now, the ability to export grain or the need to import it is a tool of foreign policy at peace and in war. While the Northeastern Economy is no longer based primarily on fishing and grains, there is a long tradition of producing and moving grains in the region on which we can draw as we move towards a carbon-constrained future. You can find more information on the Grain Race here. AuthorSteven Woods is the Solaris and Education coordinator at HRMM. He earned his Master's degree in Resilient and Sustainable Communities at Prescott College, and wrote his thesis on the revival of Sail Freight for supplying the New York Metro Area's food needs. Steven has worked in Museums for over 20 years. If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
Editor's Note: In 1759, riverfront and wharf access was a selling point. September 24, 1759 -- New-York Gazette To Be Sold, Four hundred and fifty acres of land, whereon is a good house, a barn of 50 feet square, two good bearing orchards, and about 150 acres of clear land. The whole farm is well water’d and timber’d. And there can be made on the same one hundred acres of good meadow, clear of stone. It lies about one mile and a half from the church, saw and grist mills, and three miles from the North River Landing. The said land lies in New York Government, in Orange County, 8 miles from the court house in Orange Town. The title is indisputable. Any person inclining to purchase the same, or part, may apply to Robert and Cornelius Campbell, living at Tappan. To be Sold also, A convenient place for a Merchant, Packer, or Bolter, at Tapan Landing, whereon is a good dwelling house, a barn, and a good store house, garden and orchard. The Landing is so convenient, that a boat can lay along side the store house, and take in her loading. There is likewise a good grist mill close by the said store house. October 15, 1759 - New York Gazette (Weyman's) To be Let for a Term, and enter'd upon immediately. THE Lower Mills on the Manor of Philipsburg, commonly called the Yonkers Mills, 16 Miles from New-York by Water; containing two Double geared Breast Mills, a large Mill House three Storie high, and a stone Dam; they are constantly supplied with a fine Stream that the Mills can grind in the greatest Drought in the Summer; together with a good Dwelling House, and 20 acres of Land adjoining, and a Sufficiency of Timber for Flour Casks. The above Place is situated in a Wheat Country, and would be very suitable for a Bolter and Store Keeper, there being no Store within Ten Miles of the same. Likewise a Mill Boat that carries 900 Bushels of Wheat. For further Particulars enquire of F. Philipse. AuthorThank you to HRMM volunteer George Thompson, retired New York University reference librarian, for sharing these glimpses into early life in the Hudson Valley. And to the dedicated HRMM volunteers who transcribe these articles. If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
August 14, 1749 - New York Evening Post New York. Last Tuesday evening a young man of about 19 years of age, apprentice to a baker in this city, went to bed in an upper room, being intoxicated, got up in the night, opened a door which was in the second story and fell down into a gang-way, where he lay till four o’clock in the morning, at which time the people of the house arose to work, and finding him there, took him up; but he died a few minuets after. Last week, one Mr. Knox, Master of a small sloop send up the North-River, and coming near the Highlands, two men came on board him in a canoe and asked Mr. Knox for a dram, which he readily gave them; and after taking a turn or two upon deck, each of them drew forth a postol, which they had conceal’d, and coming up to Mr. Knox demanded his money, he told them that he had none, whereupon they forc’d him down into the fore-castle, one of them went into the cabbin, broke open his chest but finding no money took a bottle of rum and so went off leaving Mr. Knox barr’d down in the fore-castle, where he remained till his Negro, whom they had confin’d upon deck, released him. We also hear that a sloop belonging to Capt. Bayard, was robb’d at or near the same place of nine pound in money which was all they had on board. We hear that a person was lately robbed on the road near Whippany, of about twenty sillings, by two fellows who search’d the linings of his cloaths, hat and even shoes to see if he had none conceal’d. August 22, 1797 Albany Centinel On Tuesday night last, about 12 o'clock, was detected at Corporation dock a gang of villains, belonging to the sloop Fanny, of Crow harbour, last from Albany, in the very act of stealing from the brig Farmer, Captain Whittemore, four boxes of Sugar, together with a boat belonging to the said brig. There was found on board the sloop in the morning a quantity of hats, &c. stolen from Mr. Mayell on the night of the fourteenth instant; a quantity of cordage stolen about three weeks since from Mr. Elderkin's store, and a number of books and papers which by their contents belong to Mr. Foote of Newburgh. Four of the above gang are now in custody, one of whom has been only two days out of goal, after confinement of six months. The captain, Alpheus Vincent, alias Wilson, is not yet taken. [Vincent is safely lodged in jail in Albany.] October 1, 1817 - National Advocate (New York, New York) NOTICE. -- The sloop YOUNG FOX, belonging to the subscriber, was taken in a clandestine manner by persons unknown, from Delafield's wharf Whitehall, on the night of the 21st instant. Said sloop was burthen 73 tons, yellow sides, no figure head, &c. Whoever will return said sloop, or give information so that she can be recovered, shall be suitably rewarded, on application to GEO. COGGESHALL, at Irving, Smith & Holly's, 133 Pearl-st. AuthorThank you to HRMM volunteer George Thompson, retired New York University reference librarian, for sharing these glimpses into early life in the Hudson Valley. And to the dedicated HRMM volunteers who transcribe these articles. If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
The hamlet of New Baltimore is an unincorporated community of less than 200 homes situated on the west bank of the Hudson River approximately 15 miles south of Albany. From the river, New Baltimore is identified by several early nineteenth century houses with verandahs, the steeple of the Dutch Reformed Church and the squared bell tower of a former Methodist church. Driving through the hamlet, one might notice the well-preserved nineteenth century houses, carriage barns and church buildings, as well as the lawns and mature trees which contribute to its attractiveness. The core of the hamlet was entered on the National Register of Historic Places in 1996. Appearances, however, can be deceiving. At its height of its prosperity and physical development, New Baltimore was a substantial community with hotels, stores, hundreds of houses, docks and industries. Of the latter, shipbuilding and ice harvesting were dominant. Today’s New Baltimore reflects little of the urban density and industrial character typical of much of its waterfront during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The hamlet was first settled by several Dutch families and New Englanders at the end of the eighteenth century. By 1800, the place had accumulated two dozen houses and the name New Baltimore, often abbreviated as simply “Baltimore.” New Baltimore was strategically located just below an area of the river choked with islands and bars that often impeded ship navigation to Albany. One of these obstructions, the infamous “overslaugh” bottled up shipping during periods of low water. New Baltimore had the advantage of being below these obstructions and still close to Albany. A promotional map from 1809 encouraging investment in real estate describes the place as “commanding a spacious harbor and intersected by extensive turnpike roads opening a fair prospect for the mercantile and seafaring adventurer.” Shipbuilding was clearly underway in New Baltimore by 1793 when the sloop Sea Flower was built by Nathan Dunbar. This was followed by more than a dozen new sloops, schooners and a brig built for the river trade and even trade with the West Indies. These sailing vessels tended to average 60 to 70 feet in length on deck and carried freight and passengers up and down the river while maintaining communications between Hudson River towns, New York City and southern New England. At least one New Baltimore sloop remained in service locally into the 1870s. The town’s yards also thrived repairing and rebuilding sailing vessels. By 1830, a community of shipbuilders, masters, owners and merchants had emerged building docks, warehouses, several shipyards and a series of mostly frame houses on small lots along what are now Main and Washington streets. A drydock was added to New Baltimore’s yard facilities in 1835. Sloops continued to be built and repaired here into the 1850s, when steamboats and barges began to be produced. In 1858, Jedediah R. and Henry S. Baldwin purchased the Goldsmith and Ten Eyck shipyard and began a business that continued almost uninterrupted until 1919. The Baldwins built at least 100 steamboats, canal barges, hay barges, tugboats and a large steam dredge over their 61-year history and repaired many more. A marine railway was built at the company’s Mill Street yard in 1884 which facilitated the launching of new boats and the repair of passenger steamboats of all but the largest sizes. Among the more notable boats built here were the 182-foot sidewheeler Andrew Harder in 1863, 253-foot propeller steamboat Nuhpa in 1865, the sidewheel towboat Jacob Leonard in 1872, the 127-foot sidewheel steamboat G.V.S. Quackenbush in 1878 and the 139-foot hay and excursion barge Andrew M. Church in 1892. Between 1905 and 1906, 13 boats were launched at the Baldwin yard. Photographs of the yard taken in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries show the marine railway in use, new boats being built on the shoulders of the railway slip, an office and loft building, several storage buildings, a steam mill for sawing and planning lumber, a basin adjacent to the river to keep logs from drying and checking, several steam boxes with brick furnaces and teams of workers with caulking mallets in hand. Launches of the larger boats were often celebratory events for the community and recorded in photographs. Small boats were also produced and serviced in New Baltimore. In the 1880s, Herrick & Powell produced yachts and launches with steam and early internal combustion engines. In 1898, William H. Couser moved his boat shop to Mill Street where he produced and repaired small craft for some years. The Baldwin firm built or repaired at least one small auxiliary schooner at its Mill Street yard and briefly operated a small yard nearby at Matthews Point for building smaller tugs. New Baltimore’s mid and later nineteenth century prosperity was expressed in its fine homes and churches. Stylish homes with verandahs overlooking the river and sometimes distinctive cupolas were built by the town’s leading industrialists and merchants in the latest styles of the day. Steamboats connected New Baltimore to Albany, Hudson and ports in between and a five-story hotel was built on the town square. Large warehouses flanked the public dock and coal pockets were built near the steamboat dock and a short distance south on Mill Street. By the 1890s, the waterfront was flanked by enormous icehouses at its north and south ends and across the river on Hotaling Island. New Baltimore’s decline was gradual. The West Shore Railroad by-passed the hamlet by more than a mile when service began in 1883, limiting the possibilities that direct rail service might have provided. Major fires in 1897, 1905, 1912 and 1929 largely destroyed the business center of the community. The natural ice industry declined during this same period due to public concerns over bacterial contamination from polluted river water and the simultaneous rise of clean manufactured ice. The Baldwin shipyard was purchased by William Wade in 1919 and incorporated as the New Baltimore Shipbuilding and Repair Corporation. It may have built one or more wooden tugs. The last launch in town was the 90-foot wooden steamship Kittaning built in 1922 for the Manhattan State Hospital on Ward’s Island. Thereafter, the yard became a dock for Wade’s adapted sand and dredging company. While ideal for building wooden sloops, barges, tugs, ferries, and small to mid-sized steamboats, New Baltimore did not have enough available flat land along the river or the access to rail shipments necessary to create an efficient yard for building with steel. Steel shipbuilding succeeded elsewhere on the Hudson River where adequate land and infrastructure were available, notably at Kingston, Newburgh, and Cohoes. With its prime industries lost, New Baltimore lost status, population, and a number of ancillary businesses that once thrived on its booming economy. Images taken by Office of War Information photographer John Collier, Jr. in October 1941 show a town with little apparent activity, dilapidated fences, unpainted porches and a waterfront with rotting barges. Buildings continued to be lost to fire and neglect and trees reclaimed industrial sites and yards. Areas of dense-packed housing were gradually thinned and by the 1970s, the town had lost as much as one-fourth of its historic building stock. The hamlet’s stabilization and recovery, beginning in the 1970s, paralleled a broadened appreciation for the Hudson River and the gradual clean-up of its waters. Today, the hamlet is an attractive bedroom community for families and individuals with employment in adjacent communities and nearby cities. Its maritime heritage is echoed in the houses of the shipbuilders, captains, shipwrights and rivermen, the remains of the earth-filled docks and slips, a lone derrick, several subbing posts along the shoreline and the stone foundations of some of its lost buildings and industrial sites. Sources: Bush, Clesson S. Episodes from a Hudson River Town, New Baltimore, New York. SUNY Albany, 2011. Gambino, Anthony J. By the Shores of New Baltimore: Its Shipyards and Nautical History. Self-published C.D., 2009. Historic photos courtesy of Town of New Baltimore Historian's Office and Greene County Historical Society. AuthorMark Peckham is a trustee of the Hudson River Maritime Museum and a retiree from the New York State Division for Historic Preservation. If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
Recorded in the summer of 1976 in Woodstock, NY Fifty Sail on Newburgh Bay: Hudson Valley Songs Old & New was released in October of that year. Designed to be a booster for the replica sloop Clearwater, as well as to tap into the national interest in history thanks to the bicentennial, the album includes a mixture of traditional songs and newly songs, with lyrics largely composed by William Gekle.
"The Burning of Kingston," lyrics by William Gekle and music by Pete Seeger, recounts a true event, the burning of Kingston, NY by British forces on October 16, 1777. To learn more about the Burning of Kingston, check out "Terror on the Hudson: The Burning of Kingston," from the New York Almanack.
"Burning of Kingston" Lyrics
(Words by Bill Gekle, music by Pete Seeger) Autumn burned in the Ulster Hills, Before the British came, The elms and maples smoldered there The oaks were yellow flame. The fields were empty, barns were full, Wrapped in October haze, While British ships up-river sailed, All through the golden days. As in a dream, the white-sailed ships Past the lowlands glide, All quiet now, as if in peace, Northward on the tide. Two thousand men aboard the ships Gaze at the golden shore, They dream of making homes and farms Instead of making war. This was a land they could have loved And shared its homes and farms, This was a land they could have had Without resource to arms. But Kingston was burned in the Ulster Hills, Every house but one, And it burned in the hearts of Ulster men, Until the war was won. Thanks to HRMM volunteer Mark Heller for sharing his knowledge of Hudson River music history for this series.
If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
“The maintenance of a merchant marine is of the utmost importance for national defense and the service of our commerce.” President Calvin Coolidge
“In peacetime, the U.S. Merchant Marine includes all of the privately owned and operated vessels flying the American flag – passenger ships, freighters, tankers, tugs, and a wide miscellany of other craft. Merchant Marine vessels ply the high seas, the Great Lakes, and the inland waters, such as the Chesapeake Bay and navigable rivers.” Heroes in Dungarees by John Bunker During the colonial period, businessmen and legislators realized that prosperity was connected to trade. The more shipment of imports and exports through colonial ports the more money there was to be made. Carrying American produced goods to market in American made and managed ships kept the money in American pockets. Formation of the United States Merchant Marine is dated to 1775 when citizens at Machias, Massachusetts (now Maine) seized the British schooner HMS Margaretta in response to receiving word of the Battles of Lexington and Concord. After the Revolutionary War American ships were no longer under the protection of the British empire. The new nation offered incentives for goods to be moved on American ships. Wars on the European continent turned attention away from American activity as U.S. ships opened up new trade routes in the early Federal period. The Empress of China reached China in 1784, the first U.S. registered ship to do so. American shipping and shipbuilding flourished in the early 1800s. The years between the War of 1812 and the Civil War saw the development of canal systems connect the western interior with seaport markets. “Those years saw the merchant marine rise to its zenith in terms of the percentage of American trade carried. Only in the aftermaths of World Wars I and II would its percentage of world tonnage stand as high.” America's Maritime Legacy by Robert A. Kilmarx Sail powered packet ships, carrying passengers, pushed their crews hard. There was money to be made in quick passages across to Europe and back. Clipper ships also relied on speed as they carried high value cargoes of silk, spices and tea across the Pacific and the slave trade across the Atlantic.
The hybrid sailing ship/sidewheeler steamer Savannah’s 1819 Atlantic crossing, the first with a steam powered engine, signaled the start of the transition from sail to steam. The May 22 date for National Maritime Day commemorates the day Savannah set sail from Savannah, Georgia to England. The Savannah transported both passengers and cargo. More information about the SS Savannah is here:
Restoration of the merchant marine after the disruption of the Civil War was a national political issue in 1872. The Republican party advocated adopting measures to restore American commerce and shipbuilding. Mail packets, carrying mail around the world were active in this period. Financial scandals were associated with mail packet contracts. Training sailors in an academic setting began in the last quarter of the 1800s, predecessors of the present day Maritime Academies. The period between the end of the Civil War in 1865 and the European outbreak of World War I was a dynamic time for shipping. American raw materials and agricultural products were shipped to world markets and products from those markets received and used by American industries.
John Bunker writes: “When we entered the war, the Merchant Marine, although still privately owned, came under government control. The men who sailed the ships were civilians, but they also were under government control and subject to disciplinary action by the U.S. Coast Guard and, when overseas, by local U.S. military authorities. Compared with soldiers and sailors, merchant seaman had much more freedom of movement. After completing a voyage, they could usually leave a ship but had to join another vessel within a reasonable period of time or be drafted into the U.S. Armed Forces. There was no uniform required for merchant seamen. Some officers wore uniforms; many did not. During the war, merchant ships were operated by some forty steamship companies, and the War Shipping Administration assigned new ships to them as they were completed. A total of 733 U.S.-flag merchant ships were lost during World War II. More than 6,000 merchant seamen died as the result of enemy action.”p12
U.S. Maritime Service personnel operated the 2,700 Liberty ships during World War II. The U.S. Maritime Service was the only service at the time with African American crew members serving in every capacity aboard ship. Seventeen Liberty Ships were named for African-Americans. Approximately 10%, 24,000, African Americans served in the Merchant Marine during World War II.
During World War II the U.S. Merchant Marines moved war personnel and material under conditions shown above.
The American Merchant Mariner’s memorial in Battery Park, New York City reads: "This memorial serves as a marker for America’s merchant mariners resting in the unmarked ocean depths." Poignantly the sailor in the water is covered twice a day at high tide. Installed in 1991 by sculptor Marisol Escobar designed based on a photo of the sinking of the SS Muskogee by German U-boat 123 on March 22nd, 1942. The photo was taken by the U-boat captain. The American crew all died at sea.
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Merchant mariners who served in World War II were denied veterans recognition and benefits including the GI Bill. This despite having suffered a per capita casualty rate greater then those of the U.S. Armed Forces. In 1988 a federal court order granted veteran status to merchant mariners who participated in World War II.
On May 31, 1993, the Hudson River Maritime Museum received a brass plaque reading: “The United States Merchant Marine. This plaque is dedicated in memory of those who served in the U.S. Merchant Marine during W.W. II and in particular to those who did not survive “The Battle of the Atlantic”. Their dedication, deeds and sacrifices while transporting war material to the war shared their sacrifices and final victory, we, their surviving shipmates dedicate this memorial with the promise that they shall not be forgotten. Died 6,834. Wounded 11,000. Ship Sunk 833. P.O.W. 604. Died in Prisoner of War Camps 61. American Merchant Marine Veterans – May 31, 1993.”
Today, the Maritime Administration (MARAD) is the Department of Transportation agency responsible for the U.S. waterborne transportation system. Founded in 1950 the mission of MARAD is to foster, promote and develop the maritime industry of the United States to meet the nation’s economic and security needs. MARAD maintains the Ready Reserve Fleet, a fleet of cargo ships in reserve to provide surge sea-lift during war and national emergencies. A predecessor of the RRF, the Hudson River Reserve Fleet of World War II ships, popularly referred to as the Ghost Fleet, was in the Jones Point area from 1946 to 1971. More about the Maritime Administration including a Vessel History Database can be found here: https://www.maritime.dot.gov/
United States Merchant Marine Training
Modern day training of merchant marines is held at seven academies, two of which U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and SUNY Maritime College, are in New York State.
The U.S. Merchant Marine Academy, Kings Point, NY (USMMA) is one of the five United States service academies. When the academy was dedicated on 30 September 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, noted "the Academy serves the Merchant Marine as West Point serves the Army and Annapolis the Navy." USMMA graduates earn:
USMMA graduates fulfill their service obligations on their own, providing annual proof of employment in a wide variety of MARAD approved occupations. Either as active duty officers in any branch of the military or uniformed services, including the Public Health Service and the National Oceanic Atmospheric Administration or entering the civilian work force in the maritime industry. State-supported maritime colleges: There are six state-supported maritime colleges. These graduates earn appropriate licenses from the U.S. Coast Guard and/or U.S. Merchant Marine. They have the opportunity to participate in a commissioning program, but do not receive an immediate commission as an Officer within a service.
More information about the U.S. Merchant Marines can be found here:
Thank you to John Phelan, HRMM Wooden Boat School Coordinator and Dock Master for suggesting this blog post topic. John graduated from the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and held the title of Chief Mate working on product tankers for a major oil corporation during his years at sea.
AuthorCarla Lesh, Ph.D. is Collections Manager and Digital Archivist at Hudson River Maritime Museum.
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March 23, 1761 - New York Gazette (Weyman's) To Be Sold. By the Widow Egberts, in Albany. A good sizable Sloop, used in the Trade between that City and New York, together with her Apparel, & c. As also, a likely young Negro Man, fit for Town or Country January 9, 1809 - New-York Gazette & General Advertiser for sale, The fine and staunch sloop EDWARD, 73 tons burthen, built on the model of the patent brig Achilles, and is supposed to be the swiftest sailor on the North River; has been employed as a packet between Poughkeepsie and New-York, and has elegant accommodations for passengers; her rigging and sails (which are new) in prime order. She may be viewed in Lent's bason, near Whitehall. Price low and terms of payment liberal. Apply to JOHN RADCLIFF. March 21, 1818 - Mercantile Advertiser (New York, N. Y.) FOR SALE The staunch sloop KNICKERBOCKER, burthen 93 tons, built of the best materials, 18 months old, well calculated for a coaster or the North river trade. One half or the whole, will be disposed of on liberal terms. Apply to WM. R. HITCHCOCK & CO. corner Peck-slip and South-st. AuthorThank you to HRMM volunteer George Thompson, retired New York University reference librarian, for sharing these glimpses into early life in the Hudson Valley. And to the dedicated HRMM volunteers who transcribe these articles. If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
The book American Husbandry. Containing an ACCOUNT of the SOIL, CLIMATE, PRODUCTION, and AGRICULTURE, of the BRITISH COLONIES in NORTH AMERICA and the WEST-INDIES; with Observations on the Advantages and Disadvantages of settling in them, compared with GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND was published in Britain in 1775, and written, anonymously, "by an American." It is a fascinating little piece - an attempt to convince Britons of the superiority of American soil, beauty, and even the Hudson River, to that of England. Of particular interest to us in the Hudson Valley, of course, is the chapter specifically on New York. The chapter begins with a discussion of climate and the various types of soils suitable (or not) for agriculture, often comparing New York to New England, which perhaps was more familiar to Britons at the time. But of course, the thing that caught our eye the most, was the description of the Hudson River: "The river Hudson which is navigable to Albany, and of such a breadth and depth as to carry large sloops, which its branches on both sides, intersect the whole country, and render it both pleasant and convenient. The banks of this great river have a prodigious variety; in some places there are gently swelling hills, covered with plantations and farms; in others towering mountains spread over with thick forests: here you have nothing but abrupt rocks of vast magnitude, which seem shivered in two to let the river pass the immense clefts; there you see cultivated vales, bounded by hanging forests, and the distant view completed by the Blue Mountains raising their heads above the clouds. In the midst of this variety of scenery, of such grand and expressing character the river Hudson flows, equal in many places to the Thames at London, and in some much broader. The shores of the American rivers are too often a line of swamps and marshes; that of Hudson is not without them, but in general it passes through a fine, high, dry and bold country, which is equally beautiful and wholesome." ![]() Drawing, Hudson Valley in Winter, Looking Southwest from Olana, Frederic Church, 1870-1880. A snow covered plain is shown in the foreground and right middle distance. The Catskill mountains stretch from the right toward the left distance. Part of the Hudson River is shown in the left middle distance. The sky has light clouds with orange above the mountains and along upper edge. Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum. "They sow their wheat in autumn, with better success than in spring: this custom they pursue even about Albany, in the northern parts of the province, where the winters are very severe. The ice there in the river Hudson is commonly three or four feet thick. When professor Kalm [Peter or Pehr Kalm, who visited in 1747] was here, the inhabitants of Albany crossed it the third of April with six pair of horses. The ice commonly dissolves at that place about the end of March, or the beginning of April. On the 16th of November the yachts are put up, and about the beginning or middle of April they are in motion again." The chapter ends with a discussion of New York's agriculture, which grains were commonly planted where, the role of beer and hard "cyder" in everyday life, and all the possible agricultural goods and raw materials that could be exported. Of American Husbandry, the British Royal Collection Trust writes, "Written anonymously by 'An American', this is a remarkable work on the climate, soil and agriculture of the British colonies in North America immediately prior to the outbreak of the American War of Independence. It covers all the major British possessions, starting in Canada, before moving through the thirteen colonies, the Caribbean and the newly-acquired territories in Ohio and Florida. It looks, not only at the environment of these colonies, but also at which plants have been successfully cultivated, demographics, the value of different commodities to Britain and recommendations on how to improve farming methods. "Beyond the bulk of the text there are numerous references to the unsettled state of affairs in the region and the threat of an American declaration of independence, and the author dedicates the final two chapters of the second volume to the subject. Interestingly, he implies that independence is inevitable, being just a matter of time until the colonies would outgrow the mother-country, be it through population, commerce or grievance, but suggests several methods to postpone it such as: the acquisition of the French-held Louisiana territory beyond the Mississippi river or the establishment of a political union between Britain and America with the representation of American politicians in Parliament." The fact that this book was published on the eve of the American Revolution is remarkable. The First Continental Congress had already sent its first "Petition to the King" to call for the repeal of the "Intolerable Acts" (also known as the "Coercive Acts") in 1774. The Intolerable Acts were a series of punitive reactions to the Boston Tea Party, closing Massachusetts' ports, revoking its charter, extraditing colonial government officials accused of a crime back to Britain (where they faced friendlier juries), and quartering British soldiers in civilian homes. The petition was ignored and the Intolerable Acts were not repealed. In July of 1775, the Second Continental Congress penned and approved what is now known as the "Olive Branch Petition," which was delivered to London in September, 1775. A controversial last ditch effort to avoid war with Great Britain, this petition also failed, leading to the Declaration of Independence in 1776. Against the backdrop of this political, social, and economic turmoil, American Husbandry becomes that much more interesting. A largely glowing report of the settlement prospects of the American colonies, it attempted to persuade immigration and investment, even as the two nations it sought to unite - the British Empire and the soon-to-be-new nation, the United States - were on the brink of war. One wonders - were any Britons influenced by this book, choosing to emigrate during this turbulent time? If so, which side of the conflict did they adopt in their new home? We may never know. If you'd like to read the whole book, or the chapter on New York for yourself, you can find the full text of American Husbandry here. AuthorSarah Wassberg Johnson is the Director of Exhibits & Outreach at the Hudson River Maritime Museum, where she has worked since 2012. She has an MA in Public History from the University at Albany. If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!
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