Editor's Note: This series of blog posts recounts the dramatic story of the Esopus Indian Nation’s Revolutionary War exodus. The original inhabitants of Ulster County, the Esopus Indians successfully maintained their sovereignty and traditional way of life in the face of overwhelming odds for over a century. These blog posts are summaries of a much fuller story that will be published in 2027.

Part 2: A Peaceable Disposition (1776-1777)
​
Spring, 1776. Over the New England border to the east, revolution was brewing. Within a few months, it had reached the isolated settlers living near to the Esopus Indians on the far side of the Catskill Mountains. In that year, Kingston resident Charles DeWitt, a member of the New York Provincial Congress, became colonel of the 2nd Ulster County Militia regiment. Like other colonial officials, he knew that the outcome of previous colonial wars greatly depended on the support of Native allies, especially the powerful Six Nations. In Ulster County, the Esopus Indians no longer resided in appreciable numbers around Kingston and the river towns. Over the preceding decades, nearly the entirety of the Esopus Indian Nation had moved over the Catskill Mountains to the headwaters of the Delaware and Suquehanna Rivers, where they were in regular communication with both the government of the Six Nations and with that of Ulster County. Individuals and families continued to visit their old Hudson Valley homeland, where many still counted friends among their Dutch colonial former neighbors. For DeWitt, maintaining friendly relations with the county’s former Native residents might ensure some measure of protection in case the war were to spread into the Colony of New York. And so, Col. Charles DeWitt and other Ulster County officials strove to strengthen the traditional bonds of friendship between Ulster County and its Esopus Indians.

Over the course of 1776, Kingston authorities sent letters and gifts to the Esopus Indians’ tribal government and elected chief, Philip Houghtaling. Notably, they sent quantities of gunflints, powder, and lead for ammunition over the mountains. These gifts of ammunition seem to indicate that DeWitt hoped for more than simply peaceful relations. Perhaps he hoped that, like the Stockbridge Mohicans in New England to the east, the Esopus Indians also sympathized with the Rebel cause. Indeed, quantities of ammunition were also sent over the mountains to those settlers who were known to be “hearty friends of the American cause.”[1] The Esopus Nation’s leadership, like that of their Nanticoke, Munsee, Mohican, and Tuscarora neighbors on the nearby upper Susquehanna, emphasized to colonial officials in both Pennsylvania and New York of their desire to stay out of conflict. They offered, instead, to shield Ulster County from the war while not otherwise offering support.[2]

That autumn, the thinly-scattered European settlers on the far side of the Catskills expressed alarm at a possible war afoot in adjacent Indian Country. The paranoia of Indian raids that spread among them was much like that which overtook Ulster County two decades earlier during the French and Indian War. What these settlers did not mention in their panicked letters was the fact that some of them had formed a gang and were actively persecuting Loyalist neighbors on the upper Susquehanna and Delaware Rivers. Many of the so-called Loyalists were simply peaceful farmers who had little interest in joining a rebellion. The persecutions – which included violent evictions and theft of property – got so out of hand that armed local Indian warriors felt the need to protect these settlers.[3] The harassment by the roving Rebel gangs pushed many on the frontier – Indian and white – towards Loyalism. In that September, leaders from the tribal governments on the western side of the Catskills pledged loyalty to the British at a large treaty held at Fort Niagara.[4] Upon returning from Fort Niagara, Esopus Indian chief sachem Philip Houghtaling sent a representative, the war captain John Runnupe, with a message to local Rebel settlers: they had one week to leave the Western Catskills, with no guarantee of safety for those who refused.[5]

In response, Ulster County resolved that a company of rangers be formed to patrol the western frontier of Ulster County to protect non-Loyalist settlers.[6] A few days later, more alarming news arrived from over the Catskills: an elderly Esopus Indian woman “…weeping much… desired the [settlers] to move this week to get out danger, and that she would not see them [again for] a long time… she expected that in case they did not move off they would be murdered by the Indians in a short time…”[7] Many settlers now abandoned their frontier farms and fled eastward to the safety of the river towns. And yet, even if they had warned off rebellious frontier settlers, the Esopus Indians still showed no inclination towards conflict with Ulster County as a whole. A number of their leaders arrived in Kingston in November of 1776 to renew the treaty of peace, just as they had done nearly annually since the Second Esopus War ended in 1664. This would be the last time in history that the Nicolls Treaty was renewed.
           
The winter of early 1777 passed by relatively uneventfully. When travel became easier with the melting of winter snow, messengers were once again sent from Kingston to the Esopus Indians on the other side of the Catskills to enquire as to their intentions.[8] By early April of 1777, the Esopus Indians’ response was received: they still wished to maintain peace with Ulster County. The Esopus Indian leadership even offered to send one of their most respected citizens, Nicholas, to Kingston with his family to remain for the duration of the war as a sign of their good will (and as a potential hostage). Chief Sachem Philip Houghtaling ended his message stating that “We assure you of a truth, that it is our determination that we will lay still in this distressing time, and that you shall not receive damage by us… The remote tribes of Indians are mostly joined at Niagara, and we expect they will be on your [i.e., the rebels’] backs some time this moon, at the northward [towards the Mohawk River]…”[9]
           
Pragmatically, the Esopus Indians wished to avoid conflict with their friends and former neighbors in the river towns of Ulster County, regardless of political orientation. They promised to protect Ulster County from raids by Loyalists and loyal Indian allies, so long as Ulster County protected Esopus Indian families and settlements on the upper Susquehanna and along the upper branches of the Delaware River. But by all indications, in following the lead of the Six Nations, the Esopus Indian Nation had allied itself with Great Britain the previous autumn two months before renewing the Nicholls Treaty in Kingston for the last time. And they had good reason to do so: should the Rebels win the war, they would prove to be an existential threat to all of those Native Nations dwelling near to the Fort Stanwix Treaty Line.[10] Moreover, it is likely that many young Esopus Indian warriors were inspired by charismatic Mohawk war chief and British officer Joseph Brant, who spent lengths of time in these years living amongst them. By early August of 1777, the Esopus Indians had participated as victors in one of the bloodiest ambushes of the American Revolution: the Battle of Oriskany in the western Mohawk Valley.

Several weeks later, on August 23rd, a rumor spread among the Esopus Indian communities that a large Rebel force from Kingston was on its way to destroy them. Although the rumor was unfounded, Esopus Indian families and non-combattants were sent eastward for safety up the West Branch to an isolated one of their settlements, as well as to Joseph Brant’s base of operations at the town of Onaquaga. It is possible that they imagined that this attack would be retribution for their involvement at Oriskany. They then sent a friendly overture to the authorities in Kingston; just as in previous overtures, they noted that they would continue to shield the river towns in Ulster County from any Loyalist raids, while hoping that Ulster County would cast a blind eye towards their warriors’ support of British military endeavors in the Mohawk Valley to the north.[11] New York Governor Clinton’s response to the Esopus Indians was indignant: that since “…the young Indians & warriors who had joined [the Loyalist officer] Butler went there designedly to fight and kill our People and to assist the English, that we cannot, therefore, consider the Fathers & Mothers of those young Indians as our Friends…”[12]
 
                                                               To Be Continued…
 
Citations:
[1] Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New-York: 1775-1776-1777, Vol. I. Albany: Thurlow Weed. 1842. 539-540.
[2] Harvey, Oscar Jewell & Ernest Gray Smith. A History of Wilkes-Barré, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, Vol. II. Wilkes-Barré: 1909. 888-889.
[3] McGinnis, Richard. "A Loyalist Journal, Part 1" in The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, Vol. 105(4). New York: 1974. 193-202.
[4] Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New-York: 1775-1776-1777, Vol. II. Albany: Thurlow Weed. 1842. 216.
[5] John Runnupe was likely the son or grandson of his namesake, whose full name was recorded under variations of Noondawiharind and who was involved in land sales in Shawangunk and for the Hardenbergh Patent earlier in the century.
[6] Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New-York: 1775-1776-1777, Vol. I. Albany: Thurlow Weed. 1842. 656-657.
[7] Ibid, Vol. II: 340.
[8] Calendar of Historic Manuscripts Relating to the American Revolution in NYS, Vol II. Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons & Company. 1863. 93-94.
[9] Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New-York: 1775-1776-1777, Vol. II. Albany: Thurlow Weed. 1842. 423-424.
[10] The 1768 Fort Stanwix Treaty line was a boundary that more-or-less followed the Appalachian Mountains and which was meant to keep the peace by dividing the British colonies from the Indian Nations to the west.
[11] Calendar of Historic Manuscripts Relating to the American Revolution in NYS, Vol II. Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons & Company. 1863. 276-277.
[12] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol. II. Albany: Wynkoop Hallenbeck Crawford Co. 1900. 272-274.

Editor's Note: This series of monthly blog posts by Justin Wexler recounts the dramatic story of the Esopus Indian Nation’s Revolutionary War exodus. The original inhabitants of Ulster County, the Esopus Indians successfully maintained their sovereignty and traditional way of life in the face of overwhelming odds for over a century.. These blog posts are summaries of a much fuller story that will be published in 2027.

Post 1: Setting the Scene (1770)
Five centuries ago, the hazy-blue peaks of the Catskill Mountains towered over a vast expanse of fertile, grassy flats and cornfields that stretched in swathes from Saugerties to Kingston and far to the westward. On these flats lay a mosaic of cornfields, lush bottoms of tall bluestem grass, and dense thickets of hazelnuts, blackberries and wild plums. Clusters of dome-shaped, bark-shingled houses were found here and there on the edges of the floodplains. The shimmering rivers that wound through these flats – the Esopus, the Rondout and others – were periodically crisscrossed with fence-like weirs and fish traps. The surrounding rocky uplands were cloaked in a forests of oaks and pitch pines and, in many cases, were barren at their tops due to frequent fires. This idyllic, park-like landscape was the result of centuries of careful management by the region’s human inhabitants: the Esopus Indians.

The Esopus Indians appear in the earliest colonial records under variations of the name Waranawankong, perhaps meaning ‘The Cove People.’ They spoke a dialect of what linguists today call the Munsee language.[1] The Esopus dialect survives today in the dozens of place names that still grace their ancestral homeland, including Ponckhockie, Ashokan, Shandaken, Wawarsing and, of course, Esopus. The Esopus Nation’s territory was divided among four matrilineal clans, and included the valleys of the Esopus, the Rondout, the Shawangunk, and the lower Wallkill Rivers as well as the headwaters of the Delaware River and lands across the Hudson River in the current towns of Red Hook and Rhinebeck. A chief sachem was elected to represent the four clans.

In the decades before and after the arrival of Dutch colonists in the early 17th century, the Esopus Indians lived in dispersed settlements that stretched along the terraces of land that border the fertile floodplain bottomlands. There, they grew their crops of maize, pole beans, squash, sunflowers and tobacco. They built stockaded strongholds in select elevated locations to retreat to during times of war. Theirs was a life built around the seasons: in the springtime, when the women were busy preparing their maize fields, most of the men could be found downstream in fishing camps where they took advantage of successive visits of spawning fish including alewives, shad, striped bass, sea lampreys, sturgeon, and eels. Summers were spent close to their cornfields. After the autumn crop harvest, younger and more mobile families visited hunting cabins in the uplands of the Shawangunk Ridge and in the foothills of the Catskill Mountains. There, they hunted numbers of white-tailed deer, Eastern elk, black bears and beavers in massive collective hunts. By early springtime, everyone returned to their villages in the bottomlands.

The 1660s were a time of major upheaval in the region. The Esopus Indians controlled the largest stretch of contiguous cleared arable farmland in the entire Hudson Valley. This was extremely attractive to settlers, creating friction that eventually led to the devastating First and Second Esopus Wars with the Dutch settlers. Concurrently, the Esopus Indians were involved in a massive intertribal war with the Five Nations or Haudenosaunee Confederacy. Between 1664 and 1669, the Esopus Indians had little other recourse than to make peace with the Haudenosaunee, with the Dutch and with the British. They would renew these treaties of peace regularly over the entire following century.

Over the 17th and 18th centuries, the Esopus Indians and other regional Native Peoples faced catastrophic population declines, largely due to Old World viruses to which they had little immunity. They soon found themselves to be a minority in their own land. And yet, the New York colonial government continued to treat with them as the sovereign indigenous nation that they were. As a strategy of survival, between the mid-17th century and the mid-18th century the Esopus Indians sold the vast majority of their territory in dozens of land sales, many preserved in deeds to this day. The deeds occasionally reserved their right to reside in or to use select areas. They soon held legal title to very little of their traditional territory.

Land sales, the growing colonial population, and environmental degradation made a traditional life difficult. By the 1750s, the majority of the Esopus Indian People had moved to the other side of the Catskill Mountains. There, they dwelled in communities along Delaware River’s East Branch, where they preserved the traditional spring fish camps for American shad and striped bass and the tradition of winter hunting camps. Over the preceding century, many had gained some level of fluency in the Dutch language. They had also adopted many customs from their colonial neighbors, including keeping of dairy cows, horses, hogs and chickens and growing of new crops including apples, peaches, cucumbers and turnips. Records from this period reveal Esopus Indian individuals who had adopted colonial skills including cider production, violin making, and blacksmithing. And yet, they tenaciously maintained their traditional religion: the Esopus Indians are the only Native group in the Hudson Valley who refused to join the Christian mission at Stockbridge, and only a handful of members joined the Moravian Missions.

By the early 1770s, it became clear that an influx of settlers was coming to the isolated valleys of the western Catskills and upper Susquehanna River, where they had a village called Ahlapeeng. Between the sales of the Hardenbergh Patent and the 1768 Fort Stanwix Treaty, land speculators and settlers were ready to pour over the mountains. Early in 1770, the Esopus Indians even met with British Indian Superintendent Sir William Johnson to try to find a solution. Ultimately, their destiny lay with that of the Haudenosaunee, now the Six Nations, whose lead they had followed since 1669. With the coming of the American Revolution, the consequences would be disastrous.
 
[1] The Munsee language, which belongs to the Eastern Algonquian language subfamily, is still spoken by a handful of descendants on the Moraviantown Reserve in Ontario, Canada.

​The steamboats CONNECTICUT and CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON will take people to see the launch of the OHIO; the ferry master of the Williamsburgh ferry says that a good view may be had from Williamsburgh

Caution. -- The launch to-morrow will necessarily attract a number of persons, and it is more than possible, that many boat will be on the water. We trust that it will be recollected that the ship by its great size, will create much agitation and swell in the water, sufficient to fill small boats; those therefore, who are for aquatic excursions, will be warned thereby. Boys and children will also be looked after. and let there be no pressing or hurry to cross the ferries; accidents too frequently occur by an overweening anxiety to get a good view or an early sight of the object. The best position is from Corlaers Hook.
National Advocate, May 29, 1820, N-Y D Advertiser, May 30, 1820,

THE LAUNCH. FIRST BRIGADE N. Y. S. ARTILLERY. BRIGADE ORDERS.

A NATIONAL SALUTE will be fired on Tuesday, (this day), the 30th instant, at Corlaers Hook, in honor of the U. S. 74 gun ship, by a battalion from the 9th Regiment. 
. .
Ammunition will be provided on applying to the Brigade Quarter Master
***
THE LAUNCH. PERSONS who wish to see the launch of the Line of Battle Ship from the Navy Yard, are advised to be at the ferries to cross early in the morning, as the crowd will probably be immense, and many persons prevented from getting there in time. The steam ferry-boat will take passengers to see the Launch, at half past ten.

FOR THE LAUNCH, THE sloop RANDOLPH will leave the end of the Pier at East Rutgers-street, or at Rutgers-slip, this morning at 9 o'clock, cross over and anchor as near the Ship to be launched as is proper. As the Randolph is large and commodious, she can accommodate 50 or 60 persons more than have engaged. *** Price 25 cents.

LAUNCH, THE Steam-Boat FRANKLIN, Captain Macey, will start from Pike-slip . . . and take her station at a convenient distance, with safety, to afford the passengers a good view of the Launch. . . . Tickets of admission, 50 cents each. . . .

LAUNCH, THE sloop HOPE, a vessel of 70 tons, (with good accommodations). . . . Passage 25 cts. Refreshments to be had on board.

THE LAUNCH, THE sloop FANNY. . . . [25¢]

THE LAUNCH. AN elegant STAGE, erected at Lawrence and Sneedens Ship Yard, Corlaers Hook, east end of Water-street, completely fitted with seats for the accommodation of gentlemen and ladies. . . . The prospect is superior to any in the city. Admittance from 12½ to 25 cents.

THE LAUNCH, THE most eligible place for a sight of the Launch of the New Ship of the Line, . . . will be on the Bluff Point, a little south of the Williamsburgh Ferry, Long-Island. This Bluff being high, and commanding so elegant a view of the Navy-Yard, Wallabout, Corlaers Hook, and the surrounding harbor, that there is no place equally inviting. Besides, it will not be attended with that bustle and possible accident that may occur at those places likely to be more thronged. ***

THE LAUNCH, THE elegant Steamboat OLIVE BRANCH. . . . Fare 50 cents each. Refreshments may be had on board. After the Launch she will sail round the Islands,
and touch at the Quarantine Ground. ***

THE LAUNCH, THE elegant fast sailing sloop SYREN. . . . "the moderate price of 25 cents each" The SYREN will, if the wind should breeze, take a sail after the Launch, if the passengers wish, as far as the Quarantine Ground, and also round the Harbor. John Hunt, Corner of Corlaers Hook has made arrangements to accommodate a large number of Ladies and Gentlemen with seats at his residence at Corlaers-Hook, directly opposite the Navy Yard, which will afford a beautiful prospect of the Launch. . . . Admittance 12½ cents each -- children half price.

THE new and swift Steam-Boat MANHATTAN, is plying continually from the foot of Walnut-street to Little-street, Brooklyn, within a few yards of the Eastern Gate of the Navy Yard. ***
also the Steam-Boat CONNECTICUT and the Steamboat CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON, each 50¢
New-York Gazette & General Advertiser, May 30, 1820.

Launch. -- At 15 minutes past 11 o'clock, this forenoon, the beautiful line of battle ship OHIO, built under the superintendence of Mr. Eckford, at the navy-yard, left her cradle and majestically glided into her destined element, amidst the firing of cannon and acclamations of thousands of spectators, which crowded the surrounding hills and house-tops in the neighborhood. The day was fine, and all the steam-boats, and indeed almost every other kind of water craft, were put in requisition to convey parties of ladies and gentlemen to the spot, to witness her descent. . . . Wallabout Bay and the East River were literally covered with boats, many having on board elegant bands of music. . . . salutes were fired from the navy yard, from a detachment at Corlaers Hook, from the WASHINGTON 74 and from the HORNET; the latter vessel being decorated, in a most tasteful manner, with the flags of all nations, and her yards manned with hardy American tars. *** The concourse of people which lined the margin of the East River, from the country and from the city, it is calculated, amounted to upwards of twenty-five thousand. *** New-York Evening Post, May 30, 1820, 

​On May 23, 1701, my ninth-great-grandfather Captain William Kidd was gruesomely hung at the gallows at Execution Dock in Wapping, East London. The New York sea captain, who knew the Hudson (North) River and New York’s other tidal estuaries like the back of his hand, had been tried two weeks earlier at the Old Bailey on five counts of piracy and one count of premeditated murder. The crimes were allegedly committed during his 1696-1699 Indian Ocean voyage to fight the French and hunt down pirates. Although the piracy charges against the prominent New York sea commander were weak and the death of his fractious chief gunner, William Moore, was accidental when Kidd struck him with an empty wooden bucket while quelling a mutiny, it made no difference in the outcome of the trial.
The courtroom drama proved to be nothing but a sham proceeding to make an example of Kidd and protect England’s trade with the Great Mughal of India, Emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir I, and the East India Company’s profitable monopoly in the region. He was swiftly convicted on all counts based on the perjured testimony of two of his mutinous seamen, both of whom served as the Crown’s star witnesses and received full pardons for their betrayal of their commander. Today, Captain Kidd is known as perhaps the most famous “pirate” of all time, but his notorious legend is built on a bed of lies and he was railroaded by a corrupt English Crown. Thus, instead of indulging in the popular mythology of a villainous cutthroat and treasure-chest burying scoundrel who never existed, we should be celebrating the heroism of this most famous New Yorker with deep Hudson River Valley roots, a man who was called the “trusty and well-beloved Captain Kidd” by the King of England himself.

At the time of his high-profile public execution in 1701, the English-born Captain Kidd was not only a New York war hero in King William’s War against France (1689-1697), successful merchant ship captain, and a licensed private naval commander, or privateer, but a propertied gentleman, widely liked family man, and well-known community leader. He stood as one of the most prosperous citizens of not only he and his wife Sarah’s affluent East Ward neighborhood but all of Manhattan, which at the time had a population of 5,000 souls. His lawfully purchased New York real-estate properties included what are today some of the most expensive real estate holdings in the entire world, worth hundreds of millions of dollars: 90-92 and 119-121 Pearl Street; 52-56 Water Street; 25, 27, and 29 Pine Street; and his Saw Kill farm in Niew Haarlem at today’s 73rd Street and the East River.

For his privateering voyage to the Indian Ocean, Kidd was recruited in 1695 by a group of wealthy London financial backers, who hoped to make a bundle of money for King William III and themselves. Among them was Lord Bellomont, a powerful Whig House of Commons member and soon-to-be royal governor of New York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. The plan was for Kidd to not only fight the French but to hunt down the Euro-American pirates of Madagascar, legally seize their ill-gotten riches, and keep them for not only himself and his crew but for the king and other lordly sponsors from the powerful Whig party, who would take a hefty 60% cut of the proceeds. Kidd was to capture these predators of the seas—the “Red Sea Men” as they were known at the time—and seize their freshly plundered riches after they had raided the royal treasure fleets of the Great Mughal and other East Indian shipping between the Malabar Coast of India and Mocha and Jeddah in the Red Sea. Based on the colonial New Yorker’s sterling reputation, the investment group not only issued Kidd two special government licenses but built a 34-gun warship, the Adventure Galley, to his personal specifications.

Unfortunately for Kidd, his nearly three-year-long voyage turned out to be an epic disaster and turned him overnight into a notorious criminal and media sensation. During the hellish voyage that involved biblical storms, a tropical disease outbreak that took the lives of 35 of his crewmen, and constant attacks on his ship by virtually everyone, Kidd lawfully seized two Moorish (Muslim East Indian) ships, the Rouparelle and Quedagh Merchant, that presented authentic French passports and carried gold, silver, silks, opium, and other riches of the East. However, while these wartime seizures were 100% legal and he never once himself committed piracy in the Indian Ocean, he soon thereafter looked the other way during the capture of a Portuguese merchant galliot that presented official papers of a nation friendly to England (at least marginally). His seamen sailing separately from his 34-gun Adventure Galley in the captured Rouparelle seized from the Portuguese vessel two small chests of opium, four small bales of silk, 60 to 70 bags of rice, and some butter, wax, and iron.

It was a measly haul, and if Kidd hadn’t later become such an infamous figure, few would have cared that he had turned a blind eye to his unruly sailors from a separate ship plundering a few foodstuffs from a Catholic merchant vessel crewed by Moors. However, it was technically piracy even though Kidd wasn’t directly involved in the capture. He only allowed the seizure to pacify his unruly and mutinous crew, who had by this time divided into “pirate” and “non-pirate” factions aboard his three separate privateering gunships; and in reprisal for the damage inflicted upon the Adventure Galley and serious injuries sustained by a dozen of his crewmen from two Portuguese men-of-war that had attacked him without provocation months earlier.

Despite the numerous challenges he faced during his grueling voyage and a full-scale mutiny because he refused to go all-in on piracy, Kidd miraculously made it back to the American colonies from Madagascar with around £40,000 ($14,000,000 today) of treasure in his hold and the French passports that proved he had taken the Rouparelle and Quedagh Merchant legally in accordance with his commission. However, when he and his small band of loyalists reached Antigua in the Caribbean on April 2, 1699, they received heartbreaking news. The Crown, at the urging of the East India Company, had sent an alarm to the colonies in late November 1698 declaring them pirates and ordering an all-out manhunt to capture and bring them to justice.

Kidd decided to try to present his case for his innocence and obtain a pardon from his lead sponsor in the voyage, Lord Bellomont, who had by this time taken office as the royal governor of New York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. After burying a portion of his legally obtained treasure on Gardiner’s Island in Long Island Sound and distributing a number of goods to trusted community leaders as a precautionary measure, Kidd sailed into Boston on July 3, 1699, to meet with Bellomont, who had promised him a full pardon. However, the treacherous governor had merely lured him into the Puritan stronghold: upon Kidd’s arrival, Bellomont treated him with suspicion and several days later arrested him and his seamen.

After being stripped of all his lawfully seized plunder and enduring six months of incarceration in Boston, Kidd was shipped to England to stand trial, was found guilty, and hung in public shame before a drunken, jeering mob of Londoners. Days later, his corpse was coated with tar and hoisted in a gibbeted iron cage downriver at Tilbury Point near the mouth of the Thames, where it would remain for the next twenty years to serve as the English State’s grisly warning to other would-be pirates of the fate that awaited them if they dared disrupt England’s valuable trade relations with India by pursuing the short but merry life of a marauding freebooter.

                                                                   ΨΨΨ

Today, my ancestor Captain William Kidd stands as one of the three most famous “pirates” of all time, along with Sir Henry Morgan plastered on rum bottles and Edward Thache, better known as Blackbeard. But the truth is he was no pirate at all and was most certainly not “the sinister personification of piratical wickedness” or “most fiendish pirate that ever ravaged the seven seas,” as he has been called by some melodramatic researchers over the centuries. Like so many tall tales of Captain Kidd — especially stories of barbaric cruelty, piratical villainy, and treasure chests overflowing with gold and silver buried up and down the Hudson River and Atlantic seaboard — the Kidd-as-evil-arch-pirate myth has its roots in the anti-piracy propaganda campaign of the English Crown and the East India Company.

Because England failed to arrest and capture the most dastardly and successful pirate of the day, the Englishman Henry Every, the authorities made the colonial American Kidd out to be a Public Enemy #1, even though William III and his powerful Whig leaders in England had commissioned the privateer commander in the first place. Kidd’s biggest crime was disrupting England’s enormously lucrative East Indian trade. Because he followed in the wake of Henry Every during his 1696-1699 Indian Ocean voyage to hunt down pirates, the English State and its largest corporate monopoly launched a massive public relations smear campaign, spinning countless Treasure Island-like yarns of a brutal and mean-spirited Kidd, because they were unable to capture the real pirate Every and needed a scapegoat.

Over the centuries, Captain Kidd has come to define the “pirate” brand even though he was never actually a pirate. In his own lifetime he was a global sensation, and his fame has endured for more than 320 years and shows no sign of letting up. The wildly inflated estimates of his buried treasure have been a huge part of his allure over the centuries and they continue to fuel treasure hunters all over the globe, but they do not explain his longevity as an American icon and his exalted position as a favorite of Washington Irving, Edgar Allan Poe, James Fenimore Cooper, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Robert Louis Stevenson. His unique and captivating life story, his moral ambiguity, and his unfair trial in London have also played a huge role in this most famous New Yorker’s enduring popularity.

                                                                 ΨΨΨ

What continues to make Captain Kidd important today is not merely his remarkable rags-to-riches-back-to-rags story but how many people were profoundly affected by his actions and how entrenched his myth has become in popular culture. In Kidd’s own day, he was a luminary of the media and popular culture, the hot topic of “the courtrooms and coffee shops of New York, Boston, London, and India.” He rose to fame, and later infamy, while rubbing elbows with an unbelievably vast network of shipmates, friends, family members, colonial officials, and esteemed peers of the realm, ranging from ordinary seamen, to wealthy merchants and royal governors, to the most powerful English lords of the late seventeenth century.

But what many people don’t know is that Captain Kidd made his mark in America along the Hudson River and that he has deep roots in the Hudson River Valley as a result of American folklore. On two separate occasions in mid-March of 1691, the duly commissioned New York privateer sailed his 16-cannon gunship Antigua from New York Harbor westward around the southern tip of Manhattan, anchored a quarter mile up the Hudson River, and threatened to unleash a blistering fire upon Fort William with his 12-pounders. The fort was occupied by Jacob Leisler, the leader of Leisler’s Rebellion, and his provincial militia, who had seized power from the rightful English government and taken over the city. The fifty-year-old merchant, militia captain, and ultraorthodox Calvinist Protestant of German extraction had capitalized on the unsettled state of affairs in New York in response to the 1688-1689 Glorious Revolution, the ongoing political struggle in Europe between Protestants and Catholics over the English throne that had sent several American colonies into disarray.

On March 17, Captain Kidd forced Leisler’s militiamen to abandon the blockhouse by training his heavy guns on the fort in a raging storm from his upriver position on the Hudson. The next day, he personally ferried the incoming English governor, Richard Sloughter, from Sandy Hook into New York City to assume office and replace the “usurper” Leisler; and on March 19, he again threatened Leisler from the Hudson with his big carriage guns, forcing the tyrannical leader and his army in the fort’s garrison to ground arms and march out. Thanks to Kidd, the leader of the two-year rebellion and his top lieutenants were promptly arrested and tossed into the fort’s prison.

Captain Kidd also played a pivotal role in the building of sacred Trinity Church overlooking the Hudson River. To assist with the construction of the Anglican house of worship in 1696, Kidd lent his runner and tackle from his privateering ship Adventure Galley as a pulley system to help the workers hoist the stones. In return for his community service, Kidd was given Pew Number 4 in the original church, located right up front near the rector and which bore the nameplate inscription “Captain Kidd—Commanded ‘Adventure Galley.’” Unfortunately, the gentlemanly New York privateer would never get the opportunity to pray at the magnificent church he helped build in the New World, but his wife Sarah and daughters Elizabeth and little Sarah would. As one of New York City’s greatest links to its historic past, the latest incarnation of legendary Trinity Church stands today in the exact same spot where Captain Kidd lent his runner and tackle over 330 years ago. Fittingly, Captain Kidd’s wife Sarah is buried today in the churchyard of Trinity Church looking out on the mighty Hudson.

But Captain Kidd’s greatest Hudson River connection comes from his buried treasure mythology. The legend of the colorful outlaw and swaggering pirate, with tens of millions of dollars’ worth of buried treasure still to be found in the northeastern U.S. and throughout the world, began soon after his grisly hanging at Wapping. However, it was the buried-treasure myths in Hudson River Valley lore that by the early nineteenth century secured his place in the pantheon of American folk heroes as our maritime Kit Carson and Jesse James. It is in the Hudson River Valley of authors Washington Irving and James Fenimore Cooper, both of whom were obsessed with Kidd, where his cultural legacy began and where it continues to resonate in unusual ways.

In the 1820s, American newspapers published stories claiming that Captain Kidd had constructed a subterranean hideout in Kiddenhooghten, New York, or “Kidd Heights” along the banks of the Hudson near Dutch Albany, where he stashed away fifty boxes of gold for a rainy day. By mid-century, the myths of his vast hidden caches of gold and jewels had spurred treasure-hunting expeditions from Maryland to Nova Scotia. Fortune hunters claimed to have discovered these long-buried troves of treasure in virtually every state along the Eastern Seaboard, with gold and silver literally washing up on the shores of the Hudson. Others reported to have found sealed bottles containing letters and treasure maps scratched out by Kidd himself. At this time, several companies began scouring the lower Hudson River Valley for Captain Kidd’s lost treasure and his undiscovered fortune became linked with the supernatural.

For the past two hundred years, treasure hunters have claimed an occult connection to the privateer. “Scholars have well established that the prevalent use of folk magic and divining practices in New York and the New England states for the search of buried treasure was motivated by Captain Kidd’s legend.” When one reads the countless tales of Captain Kidd’s unrecovered treasure from the nineteenth-century to the present day—featuring treasure chests guarded by headless men, guardian dogs with red eyes, monster horses, enormous crows, and magical rings that deflect bullets—one cannot help but wonder if all this insanity is my ancestor’s revenge for the miscarriage of justice that brought him to his inglorious demise at Wapping in 1701.

To this day, Captain Kidd stands as one of the most well-known, popular, and controversial figures in world history, with countless books, short stories, articles, ballads, and songs written about him, as well as rock bands, pubs, restaurants, streets, and hotels named after him. There are a large number of websites on the man and the myth, including more than a few with helpful tips on where plucky treasure hunters can find his long-lost fortune. In the U.S. alone, legend still places buried chests of Captain Kidd’s treasure in not only New York’s Hudson River Valley but in Connecticut, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, and New Jersey.

However, Captain Kidd’s contribution to history is not limited to his romantic myth of the flamboyant pirate, or his treasure rumored to be scattered throughout the Hudson River Valley and all over the world. More important is his role in planting the seeds of rebellion against the English Crown that would grow into a full-fledged revolution by 1776. Kidd was not merely a leading New Yorker who helped build Trinity Church, the latest incarnation of which still stands proudly today on Wall Street and Broadway, nor was he just a courageous privateer commander in King William’s War against France and important member of America’s first unofficial Coast Guard. His story—as much as any other between the settling of Jamestown and the American Revolution—symbolized defiance against the English Crown and its Navigation Acts.

The spectacular irony is that Captain Kidd has won a posthumous victory over his English foes who publicly shamed, tried, and hung him for the crimes of Henry Every and the other true Red Sea pirates. The same powerful forces that humiliated and destroyed the American colonial have made him a staple of popular culture and sanctified his historical legacy in a way he never could have imagined. For today, Captain Kidd remains every bit as popular, puzzling, and controversial as he was four centuries ago. The delicious irony of my ninth-great-grandfather, of course, is that, as legendary historian Philip Gosse declared over a century ago, the greatest pirate of all time was “no pirate at all.”
​
Instead, he was the consummate New York “Gent” and war hero of the Hudson.

The hybrid sailing ship/sidewheeler steamer  Savannah’s 1819 Atlantic crossing, the first with a steam powered engine, signaled the start of the transition from sail to steam. The May 22 date for National Maritime Day commemorates the day Savannah set sail from Savannah, Georgia to England. The Savannah transported both passengers and cargo. More information about the SS Savannah is here: ​

United States Merchant Marine TrainingModern day training of merchant marines is held at seven academies, two of which U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and SUNY Maritime College, are in New York State.

The U.S. Merchant Marine Academy, Kings Point, NY (USMMA) is one of the five United States service academies. When the academy was dedicated on 30 September 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, noted "the Academy serves the Merchant Marine as West Point serves the Army and Annapolis the Navy."

​USMMA graduates earn:

• a Bachelor of Science degree;
• an unlimited US Coast Guard License as a Merchant Marine Officer, either 3rd Mate or 3rd Assistant Engineer
• a Commission as an ensign in the U.S. Navy Reserve Strategic Sealift Officer Program (see: Navy Reserve Merchant Marine Insignia), or if accepted, as an ensign in the U.S. Navy, U.S. Coast Guard, or National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, or as a 2nd lieutenant in the U.S. Marine Corps, U.S. Army, or U.S. Air Force. Graduates who choose military service must serve at least five years in the active duty force of their respective service.

USMMA graduates fulfill their service obligations on their own, providing annual proof of employment in a wide variety of MARAD approved occupations. Either as active duty officers in any branch of the military or uniformed services, including the Public Health Service and the National Oceanic Atmospheric Administration or entering the civilian work force in the maritime industry.
​
State-supported maritime colleges:
There are six state-supported maritime colleges. These graduates earn appropriate licenses from the U.S. Coast Guard and/or U.S. Merchant Marine. They have the opportunity to participate in a commissioning program, but do not receive an immediate commission as an Officer within a service.

• California State University Maritime Academy 
• Great Lakes Maritime Academy 
• Maine Maritime Academy 
• Massachusetts Maritime Academy 
• State University of New York Maritime College 
• Texas A&M Maritime Academy 

More information about the U.S. Merchant Marines can be found here:

• https://www.maritime.dot.gov/about-us
• https://www.usmma.edu/
• https://www.history.navy.mil/content/history/museums/nmusn/explore/photography/wwii/wwii-atlantic/battle-of-the-atlantic/merchant-ships/merchant-marine-service.html
• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Merchant_Marine
• https://www.archives.gov/news/articles/merchant-marine-records-document-maritime-service
• https://ammv.us/
• http://righttofightexhibit.org/during-war/merchant-marine.php 
• “Heroes in Dungarees: The Story of the American Merchant Marine in World War II” by John Bunker
• “America’s Maritime Legacy, A History of the U.S. Merchant Marine and the Shipbuilding Industry since Colonial Times” by Robert A. Kilmarx​

Hiding away in Rondout Creek, New York at 41.91245, -73.98639 is the last known surviving example of a World War I Navy ‘Oil & Coal’ Barge. 

It is less than a kilometer up the Rondout Creek from the Hudson River Maritime Museum.
Based on a lot of ‘Googling’, it seems probable this is the first time that the provenance and history of this particular relic of concrete shipbuilding in the United States during the World War I era has been recognized. [Editor's Note: The concrete barge is featured on the Solaris tours of Rondout Creek.]
​
The hulk is, in fact, the initial prototype of a ‘Navy Department Coal Barge’, concrete barges that were commissioned by the Navy Department : Bureau of Construction and Repair. This was the department of the U.S. Navy that was responsible for supervising the design, construction, conversion, procurement, maintenance, and repair of ships and other craft for the Navy.

​Launched on 1st June 1918, the ‘Directory of Vessels chartered by Naval Districts’ lists ‘Concrete Barge No.1’, Registration number 2531, as being chartered by the Navy from Louis L. Brown at $360 per month from 11th September 1918. 
In Spring 1918, the Navy Department had commissioned twelve, 500 Gross Registered Tonnage barges from three separate constructors in Spring 1918 to be used in New York harbour. 

Long Island’s coastal waters are rich in maritime history.  Some stories are well known, others lesser known, and some waiting to tell their tale.  In 2020, a friend, knowing I enjoyed local history, showed me an undated black and white photo of two surplus U.S. Navy boats in a cove off of Shore Road, Cold Spring Harbor, NY.  The area is presently Eagle Dock Beach. I was intrigued with the boat stenciled 182 on her bow and began my research.
               
​Perhaps from watching the movie PT109 and building the model boat as a child, I initially presumed it was a Patrol Torpedo boat, but I learned that very few survived their service.  Utilizing the website, Navsource, I forwarded the photograph and they provided me with a link to SC182, a World War I Submarine Chaser.  The webpage included: photos from the Naval History and Heritage Command of the first crew, the boat serving in the North Atlantic and returning to the United States.

The SC-1 class of 77 ton, 110’ submarine chasers, affectionately known as the Splinter Fleet, had a crew of two officers and 18 sailors.  Powered by three, six cylinder 220hp engines, with a speed of 18 knots, they had a range of 1,000 nm.  Four 600 gallon fuel tanks would “cover just a third of an Atlantic crossing, the 200+ subchasers … were either towed or accompanied by escorts with fuel and provisions.”[1] Armament included a 3”/23 caliber gun, two .30 caliber Colt machine guns and depth charges.  They featured that latest in hydrophone sensors to detect German U boats. With the major shipyards tasked with building the larger vessels, smaller boat builders, already skilled at crafting wooden boats, were called upon to build the chasers.  SC182 was constructed by International Shipbuilding Company in Nyack, NY and delivered to the U.S. Navy on May 6, 1918.[2]  She arrived at Inverness, Scotland on April 24, 1919 and eventually saw service with the North Sea Minesweeping Detachment.[3] 
​
Three years later, SC182 was sold on June 24, 1921 from the Third Naval District Supply Depot, South Brooklyn, NY with an appraised value of $11,400.[4]  For prospective buyers, the Sale of Navy Vessels catalogue included plans on how the chasers could be converted to yachts or fishing vessels.

From the angle the photo was taken, the bow of another boat is partially obstructed, leaving only her last number “3” visible.  The South Brooklyn location sale catalogue lists only one chaser for sale with an ending number of “3”… SC43.[5]  Records indicate that both 182 and 43 were sold to Joseph G. Hitner of Philadelphia, P.A.  Henry A. Hitner's Sons Company (later Hitner Industrial Dismantling Company) purchased many surplus Navy vessels; converting some to merchant ships while scrapping others.[6]

A 1947 aerial photograph from the Suffolk County (NY) GIS website shows the boats in the cove[7]   and again in 1953.[8]  Interestingly today at low tide, remnants of a relatively large, wooden-planked boat, partially buried in silt, become visible in the tidal wetlands, proximate to the submarine chasers location.  Could this be SC182 or her sister boat SC43? Perhaps.  While this may never be confirmed, it is certain SC182, and possibly SC43, spent some of their last days here.

More information about WW1 submarine chasers can be found in the book, Hunters of the Steel Shark: The Submarine Chasers of WW1 by Todd A. Woofenden.

​If you enjoyed this post and would like to support more history blog content, please make a donation to the Hudson River Maritime Museum or become a member today!

Editor's Note: This article was originally published in Ships and the Sea magazine, Fall 1957.  The language, spelling and grammar of the article reflects the time period when it was written.  Learn more about Liberty Ships here.

What could be done with the outmoded Liberty ships in the event of an emergency? The Maritime Administration is proving they can be turned into assets.

During World War II, pressed by the dire need of the national emergency, U.S. shipyards produced thousands of merchant ships. During this era, even the most lubberly of land-lubbers came to hear of that famous-type ship, the Liberty. Shipyards on all coasts of this nation made headlines with the fantastic speed with which these large oceangoing vessels were constructed. The average time for the completion of a Liberty was an amazing 62 days!

By the time the building program had been completed, some 2600 standard Liberty ships had splashed into the water and taken up their vital task of delivering war material overseas. This tremendous fleet had a carrying capacity of almost 30 million tons.

But what has happened to this vast fleet of Libertys in the postwar era? Have their bluff-bowed and full-bellied forms, and their 2500-horsepower reciprocating engines which produced speeds of only 11 knots, managed to survive the competition of cargo vessels with speeds up to 20 knots? The best answer to that may be a blunt statistic – some 1400 Liberty ships are tied up in the U.S. Maritime Administration's reserve fleet sites in rivers and bays around our coastline.

This figure, taken in conjunction with the fact that several hundred Libertys were lost due to enemy action and other causes, and that several hundred others have been converted to such speck-purpose vessels as colliers, oil tankers, troop transports, hospital ships, ammunition ships and training vessels, leaves us with but one conclusion – the Liberty is too slow and inefficient for modern shipping needs. Some Libertys, of course, are in operation, but these are mostly doing tramping duty under foreign flags or carrying bulk cargoes like grain, ore and coal.
​
However, it is not the economic aspect of the outmoded Liberty which concerns the Defense Department and the Maritime Administration. Those 1400 Liberty ships in the reserve fleet are supposed to represent security in any future national emergency. In the last few years the conviction has been growing among these military experts that the Liberty ship in its present design does not really represent insurance in case of need.

Can the Liberty, for example, keep up with the speeds of future convoys? Can the Liberty hope to elude atomic-powered, snorkel-type submarines with speeds under the water of, say, 20 knots? The answer is clearly "No." Even in the limited Korean emergency, very few Liberty ships were taken out of the reserve fleet in spite of the need. The faster (16-knot) Victory and C-type ships were taken out first. Then the Defense Department had to charter privately owned vessels.

With these dismal facts confronting it, the Maritime Administration has now embarked upon and completed an experimental Liberty conversion program which proves that those 1400 ships still represent an enormous national asset. The program, using four ships, had as its objective the upgrading of the ships with regard not only to speed but also to over-all efficiency.

Increasing the speed of the Liberty may sound, on paper, like an easy matter. Why not increase the horsepower and efficiency of the engines and build new streamlined bows to replace the bluff "ugly-duckling" bows? To be sure, this can be and has been done. The problems confronting the Maritime Administration, however, were not simple in deciding upon the extent of the alterations which should be made. It must be remembered, first, that to upgrade hundreds of Liberty ships quickly in case of emergency would require vast dry-docking facilities, a call for quantities of scarce steel, and a need for new and more efficient engineering equipment.

There were other equally pressing problems of design. Could the war-built ships stand the pounding in heavy weather which the higher speeds would cause? The Liberty ships, as a matter of fact, have been quite prone to cracking, even at the lower speeds. It was apparent that the altered ships would have to be heavily strapped. Also, there were the problems of propeller vibration at higher revolutions per minute, greater stresses on the rudder, and the like.

Defense authorities had indicated a desire for 18 knots for the upgraded Libertys, but were willing to settle for 15 knots as a minimum. The latter speed was finally selected in view of the numerous problems involved, although technically it is possible to obtain an 18-knot speed with an appropriately lengthened, strengthened, finer and more powerful ship.

It was decided that one of the four ships, the Benjamin Chew, would have its speed increased to 15 knots merely by the expedient of installing 6000-horsepower steam turbines with no change in hull form. This was undertaken with some misgiving as to the seakeeping qualities of such a blunt form driven at a 15-knot speed. But the savings in steel and dry-docking capacity in an emergency dictated that the attempt be made.

Early experience with the ship has, in fact, confirmed these misgivings to some extent since the ship has had difficulty in maintaining 15 knots in heavy weather. The rate of fuel oil consumption has also been relatively high. However, it has been proved that, if necessary, the Liberty in its original form can be driven at significantly higher speeds with a minimum of alterations.

The second of the ships, the Thomas Nelson, has been given geared diesel engines with 6000 horsepower as well as a lengthened and finer bow. As expected, 15-knot speeds have been easily maintained with a very low rate of fuel consumption. It would appear that if time and facilities permit, this type of alteration is to be preferred over that of the Benjamin Chew.
​
The third and fourth ships, in addition to having lengthened and finer bows, are also being used to pioneer a new type of prime mover for ships – the gas turbine. The John Sergeant is the first all-gas-turbine merchant ship in the world, although a few vessels have been fitted with gas-turbine engines combined with other types of power plants. A controllable pitch propeller, another innovation for large U.S. ships, is used in conjunction with the gas turbine. This enables the pitch of the propeller blades to be controlled from the navigating bridge.

For those of our readers who are not acquainted with the principles by which a gas turbine operates, a brief description might be helpful. A gas turbine operates by first compressing air, then heating it before sending it to a combustion chamber where fuel is mixed with the air and burned. The resulting gas is expanded through turbine nozzles, thus providing the power to turn the propeller shaft. The gas turbine is claimed to produce high thermal efficiency with reduced size and weight of machinery. Low-cost bunker "C" fuel oil may be burned. The gas turbine will probably be most efficient in the 7500- to 15,000-horse-power range.

The William Patterson, the last of the four conversions, went into service in mid-1957. She is equipped with a gas turbine, too, but it is of a somewhat different type from the Sergeant's. The latter has what is known as an "open-cycle" gas turbine, while the Patterson has a "free-piston" type. (in the free-piston machinery, the pistons are not connected to crank-shafts as is customary in other internal combustion engines. Instead, the air-fuel mixture is burned between opposed pistons which then spring apart, compressing air at both ends of a cylinder. The compressed air causes the pistons to bounce back, thus forcing the gas into the turbine.)

The marine industry is watching with great interest to find, first, whether the gas turbine will produce a more efficient prime mover than the steam turbine or diesel drive and, second, to find which type of gas turbine is better from an over-all point of view.

Another aspect of the Liberty ship conversion program deserves comment. The Maritime Administration is using the program to experiment with different types of cargo-handling equipment, the theory being that increased speed at sea is only part of the picture of more efficient utilization of ships, the time spent in port loading and discharging cargo being of equal importance. So we find that the Thomas Nelson, for example, is equipped with radically new cargo cranes of two different types. The Benjamin Chew has a conventional set of cargo booms but of an improved type. She also has a removable 'tween deck in No. 2 compartment.

All in all, these four Liberty ships are vastly improved vessels from their 1400 sisters still resting in the reserve fleet. They are being operated on the North Atlantic run by the same operator, the United States Lines. This will ensure, as nearly as possible, the same weather and port conditions, so that the many differences among the ships can be evaluated to arrive at valid conclusions as to what the ultimate form of the converted Liberty prototype should be. Although the program has primarily been aimed at the objective of upgrading the reserve fleet of Liberty ships in time of national emergency, it is also proving of great value to U.S. ship operator.
​
The new look in Liberty ships appears to be not only new but also very pleasing.

The hybrid sailing ship/sidewheeler steamer  Savannah’s 1819 Atlantic crossing, the first with a steam powered engine, signaled the start of the transition from sail to steam. The May 22 date for National Maritime Day commemorates the day Savannah set sail from Savannah, Georgia to England. The Savannah transported both passengers and cargo. More information about the SS Savannah is here: ​

John Bunker writes: “When we entered the war, the Merchant Marine, although still privately owned, came under government control. The men who sailed the ships were civilians, but they also were under government control and subject to disciplinary action by the U.S. Coast Guard and, when overseas, by local U.S. military authorities. Compared with soldiers and sailors, merchant seaman had much more freedom of movement. After completing a voyage, they could usually leave a ship but had to join another vessel within a reasonable period of time or be drafted into the U.S. Armed Forces. There was no uniform required for merchant seamen. Some officers wore uniforms; many did not. During the war, merchant ships were operated by some forty steamship companies, and the War Shipping Administration assigned new ships to them as they were completed. A total of 733 U.S.-flag merchant ships were lost during World War II. More than 6,000 merchant seamen died as the result of enemy action.”p12

During World War II the U.S. Merchant Marines moved war personnel and material under conditions shown above.

​The American Merchant Mariner’s memorial in Battery Park, New York City reads: "This memorial serves as a marker for America’s merchant mariners resting in the unmarked ocean depths." Poignantly the sailor in the water is covered twice a day at high tide.  Installed in 1991 by sculptor Marisol Escobar designed based on a photo of the sinking of the SS Muskogee by German U-boat 123 on March 22nd, 1942. The photo was taken by the U-boat captain. The American crew all died at sea.

Merchant mariners who served in World War II were denied veterans recognition and benefits including the GI Bill. This despite having suffered a per capita casualty rate greater then those of the U.S. Armed Forces. In 1988 a federal court order granted veteran status to merchant mariners who participated in World War II.

On May 31, 1993, the Hudson River Maritime Museum received a brass plaque reading: “The United States Merchant Marine. This plaque is dedicated in memory of those who served in the U.S. Merchant Marine during W.W. II and in particular to those who did not survive “The Battle of the Atlantic”. Their dedication, deeds and sacrifices while transporting war material to the war shared their sacrifices and final victory, we, their surviving shipmates dedicate this memorial with the promise that they shall not be forgotten. Died 6,834. Wounded 11,000. Ship Sunk 833. P.O.W. 604. Died in Prisoner of War Camps 61. American Merchant Marine Veterans – May 31, 1993.”

United States Merchant Marine TrainingModern day training of merchant marines is held at seven academies, two of which U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and SUNY Maritime College, are in New York State.

The U.S. Merchant Marine Academy, Kings Point, NY (USMMA) is one of the five United States service academies. When the academy was dedicated on 30 September 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, noted "the Academy serves the Merchant Marine as West Point serves the Army and Annapolis the Navy."

​USMMA graduates earn:

• a Bachelor of Science degree;
• an unlimited US Coast Guard License as a Merchant Marine Officer, either 3rd Mate or 3rd Assistant Engineer
• a Commission as an ensign in the U.S. Navy Reserve Strategic Sealift Officer Program (see: Navy Reserve Merchant Marine Insignia), or if accepted, as an ensign in the U.S. Navy, U.S. Coast Guard, or National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, or as a 2nd lieutenant in the U.S. Marine Corps, U.S. Army, or U.S. Air Force. Graduates who choose military service must serve at least five years in the active duty force of their respective service.

USMMA graduates fulfill their service obligations on their own, providing annual proof of employment in a wide variety of MARAD approved occupations. Either as active duty officers in any branch of the military or uniformed services, including the Public Health Service and the National Oceanic Atmospheric Administration or entering the civilian work force in the maritime industry.
​
State-supported maritime colleges:
There are six state-supported maritime colleges. These graduates earn appropriate licenses from the U.S. Coast Guard and/or U.S. Merchant Marine. They have the opportunity to participate in a commissioning program, but do not receive an immediate commission as an Officer within a service.

• California State University Maritime Academy 
• Great Lakes Maritime Academy 
• Maine Maritime Academy 
• Massachusetts Maritime Academy 
• State University of New York Maritime College 
• Texas A&M Maritime Academy 

British Orders to Engage the French Frigate received.
"Boston", August 5. The master of a vessel lately arrived at Newport from Jamaica, on his passage spoke with Captain Courtnay, commander of his Britannic Majesty's frigate "Boston", of 32 guns, who informed him, that he had positive orders to cruise near the Sound until he met the French frigate "l'Embuscade" --------- Further accounts state, that the "Boston" had arrived at the Hook, and that the commander had sent up a challenge to Capt. Bompard, of the "l'Embuscade", and informed him that he should be there about three days in waiting for him, and that he wished much to see him.  Capt Bompard was preparing to meet him.
Diary; or, Loudon's Register, August 8, 1793, p. 3, col. 2
 
"L'Embuscade Frigate".  We the subscribers do certify, are ready to make oath, if required, that have been hailed by, and obliged to go on board his Britannic Majesty's frigate the "Boston", on the 29th of July last, Capt. Courtnay, the commander thereof, requested us to inform Citizen Bompard (meaning the Captain of the French frigate "l'Embuscade") "That he would be glad to see -- and was then waiting for him," or words fully to that import.  And we further certify that a mid-ship-man of the "Boston", who came in the boat with us until he was near Governor's-Island, assured us, "that the "Boston" was fitted out for the express purpose of fighting and taking the "Ambuscade"; and that Capt. Courtnay had on that account been permitted to take on board, at Halifax, as large a number of extra seamen, as he thought proper. Peter Deschent, C. Orset, Esq., Andrew Allen.          
Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), August 6, 1793, p. 3, col. 1 [the "Esq." added in pen]
 
Challenge Issued!
Capt. Dennis, of the United States revenue cutter "Vigilant", came up on Sunday evening from Sandy Hook: He informs us that at 4 P. M. of the afternoon of said day, 2 leagues E. by S. of the Hook, spoke the British frigate "Boston", of 32 guns, commanded by Capt. Courtnay, having in company with him a small schooner of 8 guns. -- Capt. Courtnay, informed Capt. Dennis he wou'd be very happy to see the French Republic's frigate "L'Embuscade", Citizen [?] Bompard, at any time within five days: -- (If we are to judge from appearances on board the "l'Embuscade", it is more than probably he will be gratified with a sight of her.)
           
The following note was on the Coffee-house book yesterday afternoon: -- "Citizen Bompar's compliments wait Capt. Courtnay -- will meet him agreeable to invitation -- hopes to find him at the Hook to-morrow.  -- dated Monday, July 29th.

We hear that nine vessels are chartered by different parties for the Hook, in order to see the action between the "L'Embuscade" and the "Boston" frigate.
Daily Advertiser (New York, N. Y.), July 30, 1793, p. 2, col. 5 - p. 3, col. 1

Challenge Accepted! Spectators Gather!
FOR SANDY HOOK
For the purpose of carrying Passengers.
The beautiful and fast sailing Schooner "EXPERIMENT", Charles Buckley, Master, Will sail as soon as the French frigate "l'Embuscade" gets under way.  For passage apply to the master on board.  It is desired of those who wish for a passage to call by 10 o'clock.  Said schooner lies at Jone's  new Wharf.
July 30. D Advertiser, July 30, 1793, p. 3, col. 1
 
 Please insert the following, and oblige many of your customers:
We hear that a number of boats are engaged, for the purpose of conveying some of the lovers of Royalty, who reside among us, on board His Most Gracious Majesty's Frigate "Boston", now cruising off Sandy Hook, to congratulate the Right Honorable Mr. Courtnay, on his safe arrival in these latitudes.
The Whigs of New-York, will do well to mark those men who are most forward on this business, for it is too true, that we harbour miscreants among us, who will scarce treat a Frenchman with common civility in the street, and yet will go 40 or 50 miles to make obeisance to a titled Briton -- Mark these men, I say.
DEMOCRAT. Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), July 29, 1793, p. 3, col. 1;
 
When Citizen Bompard or the "l'Embuscade", received the invitation from the British Frigate, "Boston", for a visit at the Hook, he immediately put every thing in train to visit his honourable friend, Capt. Courtnay.  Yesterday and the day before, all hands were busied on board the "l'Embuscade"; and being in complete order, she weighed anchor, at 5 o'clock this morning, and fell down with the tide, round the Battery and was obliged to anchor in the North River, the tide being spent, and the wind ahead; lay there till past three o'clock this afternoon -- It is expected she will weigh anchor in the course of the afternoon, and must beat down against the wind, he, and all hands on board, being eager to pay their respectful salutations to Capt. Courtney, who they say is impatiently waiting for Capt. Bompard.  It is not thought improbable but that Capt. Courtney, with the "Boston", may visit New York before he leaves the coast; others wish that Capt. Bompard may visit Halifax, at the company of the French people is not well relished by some people here.  How that may turn out, we may hear is two or three days.  Some think, that as a fleet of French ships are hourly expected here from Baltimore, the visit my be interrupted.  Number of gentlemen are gone to the Hook, as witnesses to the important visit of these two Commanders, belonging to the two greatest nations on earth.
Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), July 30, 1793, p. 3, col. 3;
 
The following LETTER was transmitted by Citizen BOMPARD, to Captain Courtnay, of the British frigate "Boston", on hearing that the latter "would be happy to see him at the Hook."
"On board of the French republic's frigate, "L'Embuscade", 29th of July, 1793, the 2d year of the Republic.
"SIR, "I have received an invitation by a sloop which you boarded yesterday, to sail out of this harbour and fight your frigate; I should not have hesitated a moment to comply with your wishes (which seems to me only ostensible) had you conveyed your challenge in the mode that honour prescribes.  Upon an occasion of this kind, I should have written to the opposite commandant, and have pledged my honour, that I was unattended by any other armed vessell, and that I would not employ any artifice or strategem, unbecoming the character of a brave and candid soldier; as you have conducted yourself in a different manner, you must be sensible that I cannot consistently with my duty, expose the brave man I have the honour to command, on vague and unauthenticated reports.

"Therefore, sir, if you are really the brave man, you pretend to be, pursue the above measures, and as soon as I receive your answer, shall do myself the honour of waiting upon you.  (Signed.) BOMPARD, Captain-Commander of the "L'Embuscade
           
"N. B.  Citizen Bompard, having not received an answer to the above letter, resolved however not to disappoint the martial ardor of Captain Courtnay, and accordingly has sailed this morning out of the harbor to wait upon him."
 
Grand Naval Combat.  The following information is given us by one of the hands belonging to the Pilot Boat Hound, of this port: --- On Wednesday night last, about 8 o'clock, the pilot boat fell in with, to the southward of the Hook, the two frigates "L'Embuscade" and "Boston", standing on one course, and took a birth between the two until towards day light, when the boat sheered off out the reach of their guns, and lay to.  After day light the "L'Embuscade" fired a gun and hoisted the National flag of France, which was shortly after hoisted by the British frigate. The "L'Embuscade" then bore down upon the "Boston", both ships being then between the Grove and the Woodlands, distant about 5 leagues S. E. of the Hook.  The "Boston" endeavoured several times to get to windward of the "L'Embuscade", but not being able to accomplish her point, she was obliged to come to close action precisely at 37 minutes past five o'clock, A. M.  The action continued from that time until half past seven -- during the course of which the "L'Embuscade's" colours were shot away, which induced our informant to suppose she had struck, but shortly hoisted them again.  In a little time the same accident happened to the "Boston", which was as soon replaced.  The "L'Embuscade" attempted to board the "Boston", but failed.
           
About 7 o'clock the fire from the "L'Embuscade" was somewhat slackened, but seemed to be renewed from the "Boston", when a shot from the "L'Embuscade" struck the main-top-mast of the "Boston", and carried it overboard; on which she immediately ceased firing, crouded all the sail she could and ran off -- the "L'Embuscade" fired three guns more at her as a token of Victory, and as soon as she could get underway to follow the "Boston", of which she was delayed in about half an hour, owing to her rigging and sails being very much mutilated) she gave her chace, which out informant assures us she continued till past nine o'clock, when both ships were out of sight. --- They were both steering to the southward.
(The above account is corroborated by the information of another person who was on board the pilot boat "Hound", and saw the whole action very distinctly with the naked eye.)
Daily Advertiser (New York, N. Y.), August 2, 1793, p. 3, col. 1;
 
Another Account.
Thursday morning, August 1st, 1793, on board sloop "Friendship", Capt. Peterson, (a Newport Packet.)
AT 6 o'clock, A. M. distant four miles from the Hook.  Got under way immediately and sailed towards the vessels; at half past 6 o'clock, discovered them to be engaged a cable's length assunder, at 45 minutes past 6 o'clock saw the windward ship (the "L'Embuscade") had lost the fore-top-sail-tie.  Both ships standing W at 50 minutes past 6 o'clock, the leeward ship "Boston" lost her main-top-mast, and the head of her main-mast also apparently carried away.

At 55 minutes past 6 o'clock, the firing ceased, both ships appearing to be repairing their damages, when the "Boston" bore off, before the wind (S. W.)  At 8 minutes past 7 o'clock the "L'Embuscade" bore down to engage again.  20 minutes past 7, saw the British union flying in the mizen shrouds of the crippled ship -- the national colours flying at the mizen peak of the "L'Embuscade".  At 35 minutes past 7 o'clock saw the "Boston", with studding sails alow and aloft, making every effort to get off -- The "L'Embuscade" still repairing, but making what sail she could to follow.
           
At 8 o'clock the "Boston", under full sail still, was about a league a head of the "L'Embuscade", steering S. W. about 9 knots an hour; The latter carrying a foresail, a fore-topsail a foretop-gallant-sail, main-top-sail and mizen-topsail set, the main sail loose.
           
At 20 minutes past 8 o'clock, . . . the ships 1 1-2 league asunder, the "L'Embuscade having set her bower studding sails; at 33 minutes past 9 o'clock, could just discern the "L'Embuscade"; at 50 minutes past 9 o'clock, discerned the "Boston", from the mast head, the "L'Embuscade" still pursuing, and overhawling the "Boston".
Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), August 2, 1793, p. 3, col. 4
 
 French Fleet.
Last Evening, the French Fleet which has been so long expected from the Chesapeake, arrived in this port, consisting of 15 sail.  On their approach toward the city, the citizens, to the number of several thousands, collected on the battery, to welcome them to our port.  After they had come to anchor off the battery, the Admiral, accompanied by several other officers, came on shore in the barge, and waited on his Excellency the Governor, at the government house; a few moments after which the Admiral's ship fired a salute, which was immediately answered from our battery, with three cheers from the amazing concourse attending.
​
L'Embuscade Frigate. 
What greatly added to the beauty of this scene was the arrival of the "L'Embuscade",  from her cruise -- as she approached, the people assembled were at a loss how to express their joy, having heard of the gallant behavior of Citizen Bompard, the commander, and his crew -- continued shouts and huzzas were vociferated, which were returned from on board, until she had passed into the East River.  We have just learnt, that only 7 men were killed, and 10 wounded in the engagement, which was incessant for three glasses, in which time both ships were much burnt in their rigging, and the main top mast of the "Boston" was carried away before the wind, was pursued by the "L'Embuscade", but out sailing her, the "L'Embuscade" abandoned her fell in with, and took a Portuguese brig, richly laden, and has thus safely arrived to the Universal joy of their brethren in this city.
         
A great variety of accounts have been handed the public on the subject of the battle between the "L'Embuscade" and "Boston", all of which agree, that the arrogant Capt. Courtnay, of the "Boston", received a most severe drubbing from the gallant Captain Bompard, of the "L'Embuscade".
Diary; or, Loudon's Register (New York, N. Y.), August 3, 1793, p. 3, col. 1, from N-Y Journal
 
We are favored through a Correspondent with the following relation of the late action between the frigates "L'Embuscade" and "Boston" given by an Officer who was on board the former of these ships.
           
"Though the Challenge given by Capt. Courtnay to Capt. Bompard, on the 29th ult. has become a topic of common conversation, I mean not to enter into a discussion of the propriety or impropriety thereof, but only state facts, leaving each candid Republican in this Land to decide as he thinks proper, on the final event.
           
I cannot help observing that on the morning of the day when the challenge was received, the Crew of the "L'Embuscade" had been permitted to make a holiday; notwithstanding which, as soon as they received information of this uncommon and unexpected summons, assembled with a distinguished cheerfulness and zeal, worthy of the cause in which they were engaged; for, though the situation of the frigate would on common occasions have required the work of three days to fit her for sea, she nevertheless, by their extraordinary exertions, weighed anchor in twenty-four hours.
           
Owing to contrary winds, we did not reach Sandy-Hook till the 31st ult. at two o'clock, P. M. when the Captain ordered to steer to the eastward, in anxious expectation of seeing his antagonist at the place of rendezvous, but we did not find him there.
           
Capt. Bompard, stimulated by the natural feelings of a soldier, to gratify Captain Courtnay in his wish, steered on the eastward five leagues farther, in hopes of meeting this new champion of chivalry, and at four in the morning of the 1st of August, having then our larboard tacks on board, seeing at the same time an English brig, at which we fired a gun, and hoisted our national colours, when the brig wore and hauled her wind, on the same tack with the ship, which we were then convinced was a frigate, with French colours flying.
           
On this, Captain Bompard ordered the private signal to be made, which not being answered by the other, left no room to doubt that she was our challenging rival.
           
In our approach to each other, the Boston endeavored to get to windward, but without success, at last we got so close, that Captain Courtnay relinquished his disguise, substituting in its room, the royal colors. 
           
This was at three-quarters past five, when Captain Bompard in his jacket, came forward, and sundry times, in a very loud voice, called Captain Courtnay by name, who, instead of a common reply, very politely answered with a broadside.
             
A Thousand Huzzas!  A Thousand cries of Vive la Republique Francoise! announced to the Georgists of Halifax, the impression which their royal artillery made on the hearts of Republicans!!!  
           
The crew of the "Boston" was silent, and the netting prevented us seeing the face of her noble Commander.
           
The "L'Embuscade" permitted the "Boston" to shoot ahead, and then attempted to put about, but missing stays, continued on the same tack.  The "Boston" then wore, when the "L'Embuscade" backed her main and mizen topsail, and as she passed began her fire; it was not quick, but time will probably prove that it was well directed.

The fight continued till three quarters past seven, when a shot carrying away the "Boston's" main top-mast, she instantly wore and made tail before the wind. 
           
She must have suffered severely, and we were so much crippled in our masts and rigging, our braces, bowlings, &c. being cut to pieces, that it was some time before we could wear, not could we work the ship with the same dispatch the enemy did.
           
The enemy by this means had gained a considerable distance from us, being still before the wind with all the sail she could possibly crowd; but we found that the state of our masts would not admit of a press of sail, we nevertheless continued the chase till 11 o'clock, when seeing that we had no chance of coming up, and discovering at same time a Portuguese brig, within two miles of the "Boston", we made sail after and captured her, as a proof of our victory and the enemy's defeat
           
We then hove to till the necessary repairs were completed, and afterwards made the best of our way for New-York.
           
We had seven men killed in action, and fifteen wounded.
           
Our people say, they was a number of men thrown overboard from the English frigate; their wounded we have great reason to believe are numerous, as our fire, during the whole of the action, was directed with that deliberate coolness, characteristic of Republican valor. 
           
The fire of the "Boston" did much more damage to our rigging than to our hull, and . . . in contradiction to the rules of war, generally adhered to by civilized nations, they fired at us a quantity of old iron, nails, broken knives, broken pots, and broken bottles -- a mode of warfare with which their enemy was then, and I hope ever will be unacquainted.
           
It may be proper to mention, that Capt. Bompard endeavored to board the enemy, in which case broken bottles would have proved of little service, but this the British Captain prudently avoided; whether, when all the circumstances of the challenge are taken into view, his nation will promote him for this act of wisdom: I cannot say, it would be difficult to say, whether the cool deliberate courage, or the innocent cheerful gaiety of the citizens of the "L'Embuscade",  was most conspicuous during the engagement.

Those who had never been in action before, were astonished to behold what little effect a broad side was attended with.
           
I will say nothing of our intrepid Captain, it would be doing him an injury to attempt his praise.
           
Our ship's colours, torn as they were at the close of the action, have been presented to the Tammany Society of this city, as a token of that respect which those virtuous patriots merit, in our opinion, from their Republican Brethren of France.
Diary; or, Loudon's Register, August 6, 1793, p. 3, cols. 1-2;
 
PHILADELPHIA, August 2. "L'EMBUSCADE" FRIGATE.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Long Branch to his friend in this city, dated August 1, 1795.
           
"This morning we were gratified with the view of an action between "L'Embuscade" and an English frigate of about the same size, which is said to have come from Halifax, on purpose to attack her.  The action began at about half after five this morning, and lasted till near seven, the firing was tremendous, and both vessels during the action appeared at time to be much in confusion.  At length the French ship shot away the main-top-gallant mast of the English man, and that shot appeared to decide the fate of the battle, for she immediately bore off.  The "L'Embuscade" had her sails clued up, and appears willing to attack, provided the other does not run away.  She has, however, beat the English ship completely.
Daily Advertiser, August 6, 1793, p. 2, col. 3
 
New-York, August 3. About 7 o'clock last evening came up and anchored in the East river, amid the repeated huzzas of the citizens of New-York, the French frigate "L'EMBUSCADE".  We have been enabled only to gain a few particulars of the action between her and the "Boston", for this day's paper -- the whole of which we hope to lay before our readers on Monday:  It appears that the action commenced about the same time, and ended in nearly the same manner as mentioned in our paper of yesterday -- that the "l'Embuscade" chased the "Boston" about five hours to the Southward, when owing to the shattered condition of her sails and rigging, and espying a Portuguese Brig off, she gave over chasing the "Boston" frigate, and pursued the Brig which she captured and brought to this city.
           
The Frigate "L'Embuscade" had six men killed and twelve men wounded, but they supposed the number of killed and woulded on board the "Boston" must have been much more, as they saw her throw 21 bodies overboard during the chase; her pumps were kept constantly going.  It is supposed Capt. Courtnay is among the slain.  The "L'Embuscade's" masts are so full of shot holes that she will be obliged to replace the whole with new ones.
General Advertiser (Philadelphia, Pa.), August 6, 1793, p. 2, col.

An English visitor's account
The day of my first arrival in New York was rendered memorable by the severe engagement which took place off Sandy Hook, between the "Boston" and the "Ambuscade".  We heard distinctly the broadsides as we passed down Long Island Sound, but knew not on what account they were fired.  This battle being premeditated on the part of the French, various were the conjectures respecting the cause, and I therefore took some pains to gain correct information.
           
The "Ambuscade", a large 44 gun frigate, had been some time lying opposite to New York, and it was known that the "Boston" was stationed on the outside of Sandy Hook.  Captain Bompard, who commanded the "Ambuscade", had given no intimation of his intended departure, until, on a sudden, preparations were made to go out, and a report was spread that Captain Courtenay, the British commander, had sent him a challenge.  The circumstance which gave rise to the report was this: A pilot-boat had carried some provisions to the "Boston", and as the pilot was returning down the side of the ship to his boat, a young midshipman said to him, "give our compliments to Captain Bompard, and tell him we shall be glad of his company on this side the Hook."  This lost nothing by the way in being communicated to the French commander, who was even told that it was a direct challenge from Captain Courtenay.  It soon spread over New York, and the French faction began to feel ashamed that their ship should be blockaded, and thus challenged to come out, by an enemy so inferior in force.  This was a spur to Bompard, who, having taken on board a number of American seamen that had offered themselves as volunteers, he promised to chastise the haughty foe.  He accordingly went out, attended by a great number of vessels and boats crowded with Americans to witness the fight. The "Boston" soon descried the enemy, and was observed to alter her tacks and to prepare for battle, which soon began on the part of the French, while her antagonist waited her neared approach.  The Gallic-Americans assembled on the occasion had already begun to persuade themselves that the little "Boston" was declining an engagement, when she opened a tremendous and incessant fire. I was informed, so rapid were her broadsides, that she gave three to two received from her enemy during the whole engagement.  In the heat of battle the brave Captain Courtenay was killed, and the first lieutenant of the "Boston" badly wounded.  The latter, having passed through the surgeon's hands, was brought on deck, and proved an able substitute for his deceased captain during the remainder of the bloody conflict.  The mainmast of the "Ambuscade" was shot through, and could barely be supported by the shrouds -- a breeze would have carried it by the board. The "Boston" having lost her fore-top-mast, she put about to replace it, and soon after descrying the French fleet from St. Domingo, she made sail towards Halifax, while the "Ambuscade" declined following, happy, no doubt, in getting back.  The Democrats set up the cry of victory, and they publicly rejoiced at what I thought a discomfiture.  Next morning I mixed among a group going on board the "Ambuscade", and there, for the only time, saw the horrid issue of battle. The decks were still in parts covered with blood -- large clots lay here and there where the victim had expired.  The mast, divested of splinters, I could have crept through; and her sides were perforated with balls.  I shrunk from this scene of horror, though amongst the enemies of my native country.  The wounded were landed, and sent to the hospital. I counted thirteen on pallets, and double that number less severely wounded.  Nothing but commiseration resounded through the streets, while the ladies tore their chemises to bind up the wounds.  Advertisements were actually issued for linen for that purpose, and surgeons and nurses repaired to the sick ward. The French officers would not acknowledge the amount of their slain. I calculate the proportion to the wounded must have been at least twenty.  I afterwards went on board the "Jupiter", a line of battle ship, and one of the St. Domingo squadron.  The sons of equality were a dirty ragged creww, and their ship was very filthy.  I witnessed Bompard's triumphal landing the day after the engagement.  He was hailed by the gaping infatuated mob with admiration, and received by a number of the higher order of Democrats with exultation.  They feasted him, and gave entertainments in honour of his asserted victory.  He was a very small elderly man, but dressed like a first-rate beau, and doubtless fancied himself upon this occasion six feet high!  At this moment I verily believe the mob would have torn me piecemeal had I been pointed at as a stranger just arrived from England.  I ground this supposition on the fact of a British lieutenant of the navy having been insulted the same day at the Tontine coffee-house; but he escaped farther injury by jumping over the iron railing in front of the house. The flags of the sister republics were entwined in the public room. Some gentleman secretly removed the French ensign, on which rewards were offered for a discovery of the offender, but he remained in secret.
Charles William Janson.  The Stranger in America.  London, 1807.  pp. 428-31.