Editor's Note: This series of blog posts recounts the dramatic story of the Esopus Indian Nation’s Revolutionary War exodus. The original inhabitants of Ulster County, the Esopus Indians successfully maintained their sovereignty and traditional way of life in the face of overwhelming odds for over a century. These blog posts are summaries of a much fuller story that will be published in 2027.

Part 5. Refugees: 1779

Raids by Rebel ranging companies and Continental Army soldiers over the course of 1778 turned the Esopus Indians and their neighbors into refugees. In late December of 1778, with their towns destroyed, Loyalist Mohawks, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, and Mohicans of Onaquaga moved to the British outpost of Fort Niagara for safety.[1] Censuses taken by the British Indian Department at Fort Niagara over the winter of 1779 note that the Esopus Indians had also temporarily moved to Fort Niagara, where their leaders were present at councils. With the arrival of springtime, they dispersed to the Genesee Valley, where they were given land to plant corn by the Senecas near Gandagaro.[2] Their preemptive move to Seneca Country – close to the British Indian Department and forces at Fort Niagara, but far from Rebel strongholds on the East Coast – was badly timed, for in the winter and spring of 1779, George Washington was helping to plan an expedition for later that year that would destroy virtually every town in Indian Country.

In the meantime, Esopus men began to trek back to their Ulster County homeland in warparties. These were not simply retaliatory attacks: records from the British Indian Department reveal that the Esopus Indians acted in special operations and intentionally sought to capture high-ranking Rebel officials for information and for ransom. They also acted as spies and were paid for bringing back information.[3] However, these expeditions often incorporated traditional raiding tactics, especially when warriors were able to inflict retribution on individuals who had abused them in the past. On May 4th, they led a violent raid at Fantinekill, burning several houses and killing six.[4] Two weeks later, Governor Clinton was informed that a large Loyalist and Indian raiding party, likely the same one, was in the environs of Shandaken; he was also informed that Esopus Indian warriors had built a blockhouse (a small fortification) somewhere on the West Branch of the Delaware River, and that they were being supplied with food by isolated Loyalist settlers in the Catskill Mountains.[5]

On July 23rd, Esopus Indian leader John Runnupe returned to Fort Niagara with a number of Rebel newspapers that he had taken in Ulster County. He also reported some major news: eighteen days earlier, from a lookout on the Catskill Escarpment – likely Overlook Mountain – he had “heard the firing and saw the smoke of two armies engaged [down the Hudson River] at Fish Kill… and it was afterwards told that General Washington had been defeated and was pursued twenty miles…. He also says that on his return he met, a little beyond Schoharie, fourteen days ago, a man who had come from the rebel army and was told by him that two days before that, the time the man came away, the British Forces were taking up the chain that the rebels had fixed across the river at the Highlands.”[6] Amazingly, based on the usual route taken by the Esopus Indians and their allies to reach Fort Niagara from the Catskills, John Runnupe would have traversed well over 300 miles in less than three weeks.
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Simultaneously, George Washington’s massive expedition – known as the Sullivan Campaign – was making its way through Indian Country, destroying every house, every stalk of corn, and every fruit tree in their path until October. The Esopus Indian refugees who had temporarily resettled in the Genesee Valley a few months earlier were uprooted once again. Thousands of Native and Loyalist refugees fled to Fort Niagara for protection, just in time for one of the coldest winters on record. Many would not survive the frigid months that spanned 1779 and 1780, but most did; the British Indian Department’s ability to feed and shelter so many refugees of so many nations is nothing short of miraculous. When winter thawed to spring in May of 1780, the Esopus Indians who had camped outside Fort Niagara shifted to Buffalo Creek to the south near Lake Erie (near what is now Buffalo, NY), where the women could plant corn and survive for another year.[7] The warriors of the Six Nations and their allies prepared for revenge.
                                                                To Be Continued…

Citations:
[1] Correspondence with Officers at Niagara, 1777-1784. Haldimand Collection, Microfilm Reel number A-682. National Archives of Canada.
[2] “Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington, 3 April 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-19-02-0684. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 19, 15 January–7 April 1779, ed. Philander D. Chase and William M. Ferraro. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009, pp. 729–734.
[3] Haldimand Papers, 21767 Pt 4. National Archives of Canada.
[4] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol IV. Albany, NY: 1900. 798-799; "The Story of Fatine Kill" in Olde Ulster, Vol. II. Benjamin Myer Brink, Kingston: 1906. 105-112.
[5] Sparks, Jared. Correspondence of the American Revolution. 299-301
[6] Correspondence with Officers at Niagara, 1777-1784. Haldimand Collection, Microfilm Reel number A-682. National Archives of Canada.
[7] Haldimand Papers, Reel h1448.1304. National Archives of Canada.

North River Steam-boats. -- Yesterday afternoon we had the pleasure of visiting the new and beautiful steam boat JAMES KENT, now lying at the foot of Liberty-street.  Through the politeness of Capt. Wiswall and Mr. Rhind, we enjoyed an opportunity of examining her from stem to stern, above and below, and of obtaining such facts, as will enable us to give a pretty accurate description of this superb vessel, which in many respects surpasses any boat, that has ever floated upon our waters.
       
The James Kent is about 140 feet in length; her extreme breadth 48 feet; and upwards of 400 tons burthen.  Her frame is composed entirely of live oak, locust, and cedar.  She is copper-fastened, secured in an extraordinary manner by screw bolts.  She was built by Messrs. Blossom, Smith & Demon, who have certainly done themselves great credit by this elegant specimen of naval architecture.
       
Her machinery is on a scale so gigantic, as apparently to require the anvils, hammers, and sinewy arms of Vulcan and the Cyclops to forge its massy wheels, bolts and bars.  The boiler is of copper, unusually thick and strong, weighing upwards of 30 tons, and amounting to nearly one third of the whole expense of the boat.  It is planned in such a manner, that if it should happen to burst, the water would immediately be carried through the bottom of the vessel by means of cast-iron tubes, or hollow pillars.  The copper was manufactured by the Soho Company.

The engine is modelled after the latest and most approved plan of the celebrated Mr. Watts, and was manufactured by the West Point Foundery Company.  It is decidedly one of the finest engines, that has yet been made in America, both as to the quality of the castings and the scientific arrangement of the machinery.  It occupies an unusually small space; and the workmanship is highly creditable to the manufacturers of our country.  We would here remark, that in all cases where it could be done, the company have given a decided preference to domestic fabrics.
       
The James Kent is finished in a style to comport with the superiority of her essential parts above described.  Few rooms in a private dwelling surpass her cabins in point of finish, neatness and elegance, or in richness of furniture.  Every attention has been paid to the comfort, convenience, and even luxury of the passengers. -- The gentlemen's dining cabin is capacious, airy, and lighted by eight or ten windows above, which may be opened or closed, as the weather may require.  A table is extended in a semicircular form quite round the room, nearly into the centre of which the stair-way leads.  The ladies' cabin and drawing-room, the former below and the latter on deck, exceed in splendour and elegance the gentlemen's apartment.  In the sitting room, the curtains are of blue damask, with orange drapery -- in the dining cabin, the curtains are embossed crimson moreen, with blue vallons and a richly wrought fringe.  The tables are mahogany, and the chairs and settees of birdseye maple, with cane bottoms.  Mirrors and other furniture equally splendid.
       
Aloft is a spacious and beautiful promenade, extending nearly the whole length of the vessel, shielded by an awning, and furnished with seats quite round the area.  The machinery is guarded by green blinds, and the pillars and upper works are highly gilt,
presenting a rich and brilliant appearance.  The upper deck is mounted by a finished flight of steps on each side of the boat.

On the stern, which is of superior workmanship, and ornamented with a variety of appropriate devices, is a tolerable likeness of the distinguished individual whose name
the boat bears, with a book in his hand. The whole exterior of the boat is such, as to present a noble and majestic figure, as she marches along the waters. 
       
We learn that the first trial of the James Kent was made on Tuesday last, and that she performed to the entire satisfaction of the company. She ascended as far as Catskill Landing, where the directors met. She traversed 110 miles in eleven hours, while her machinery was yet new, when the friction is much greater than it will be after a few trips.  There is no doubt but she will run through to Albany in fifteen hours.
       
This elegant boat will enter the North River Line on Monday morning next at 5 o'clock, which is to be the stated hour of her departure from the city, arriving at Albany early in the evening, and rendering it unnecessary for passengers to sleep on board. Half a century ago, it would have been thought the dream of a mad-man to predict, that the day would soon arrive when a person could travel the distance of 150 miles between morning and evening, amusing himself all the while, if he choose, with a book or with writing, enjoying the quiet and comfort of a private dwelling.  Modern improvements have outstripped the calculations of the most sanguine theorists; and such are the achievements of human ingenuity and a daring enterprise, guided by science and philosophy, that it is hardly safe to pronounce any scheme visionary. The time may not be distant, when Perkins invention [of a high-pressure steam engine] will bring into contempt the snail-like progress of a steam-boat, moving only ten miles an hour.
       
But until this new era in navigation shall arrive, the public will feel greatly obliged to the North River Company, for the heavy expenses they have incurred in building such a boat as the James Kent; for their unwearied pains to consult the ease and comfort of travellers; and for the credit they have done themselves and the state, in paying a handsome compliment to a great and good man.  ***
New-York Evening Post, August 15, 1823
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A TRIP TO ALBANY
Extracts from the Log-book of the New Steam-boat James Kent, Commodore Wiswall -- first regular trip.
Sunday night, August 17, 1823. -- Boat safe in her moorings, on Steamboat dock, foot of Courtlandt-street. Weather dubious --alternate clouds and star light. [Gets under way at 5:20, a. m., with 200 passengers] Wharves, and yard-arms of the shipping lined with spectators. . . .

Entered the High Lands at ½ past 9. Passed a school of North River craft, consisting of Hudson Packets, Albany sloops, Troy flat-bottoms, and Lansingburgh shallops, with scarcely any bottoms at all. Understand they are to build ships when they have deepened the upper end of the river, so as to make it run the other way. Spoke a vessel from the up-country -- (probably from Vermont) -- with a cargo of clap-boards, shingles, indian corn and children. . . .

Half-past 10. Passengers all on the upper deck gazing with wonder and delight upon the frowning crags and clouds-capt summits of the High-Lands. The interest in this part of the voyage was not a little heightened by the war-like notes of a patent bugle, blown by a perfect master. When passing the celebrated combination of echoes, the effect was such that we had, as it were, the benefit of nine bugles, all sending forth their wild and animating notes at once, and echoing from one glen to another. 

Eleven o'clock, opposite the Point and Military Academy.
At the landing we found the band of music of the station [sic], in uniform, and much to the satisfaction of the company, they came on board, to meet and return in the Richmond, which leaves Albany this morning.

Three quarters past 11. Off Newburgh. The whole village seemed to have swarmed; the wharves and piles of plaster of Paris, were covered with people. . . .

Half past one. Nothing remarkable occurred until we arrived at Poughkeepsie, and here we saw nothing but a remarkable collection of people. 

Three o'clock. Dinner announced -- time to exchange the crayon for a knife and fork. Dinner plentiful and excellent. 

Five o'clock. Invited below by the Commodore, to take a glass of wine. Having toasted the boat that bore us, it is here fit that se should attempt to convey some proper idea of her dimensions, convenience, and internal, as well as external elegance, to those who have not enjoyed the opportunity of visiting this "Chief" of nautical art. The James Kent is a vessel of more than four hundred tons burthen, built throughout in the strongest and most substantial manner. Her length upon deck is 140 feet, and her breadth of beam 43 -- a proportion very different from other boats, and which is thought by some, to have too much width. She is not so long as the Chancellor Livingston, but broader. She has every where [sic] an air of massy strength.

Her machinery, which is compressed into the smallest compass possible, and the whole of which is above the deck, is of the finest workmanship, and when in full operation, has an aspect almost appalling, from its magnitude and swiftness. Her engine (made at the West Point Foundery) is of one hundred and twenty horse power, and her boiler weighs thirty tons. The latter is of copper, and so constructed, that should it burst, the water will escape below, instead of being precipitated into the cabins, or on the deck. She has two cabins below, and a private apartment for the ladies on deck. The largest cabin, or drawing room, as it is called, is an ample and airy apartment, well lighted and ventilated from above, and furnished with great elegance. The curtains at its sides, and in front of the births, are of embossed crimson moreen, with a valiance of blue and very rich fringe. The table, which are of mahogany, are so constructed that when drawn out they extend all round the apartment, and when not in use, fold up in a compact manner, occupying little room. The settees are of that beautiful American wood, the birds-eye maple, with cane bottoms. The ladies' cabin is furnished with additional beauty, and the apartment on deck is truly superb, being richly carpeted, and hung with blue damask and an orange drapery. The kitchen is situated between the cabins below, where, in the other boats the machinery is placed. The walk, on deck, extends the whole length of the boat, passing round the ladies' apartment, and also extending over the top of it, to which you ascent by a flight of steps on each side. It is covered throughout by an awning (which, however, is already much injured by sparks from the chimney.) The appearance of the boat is much improved by surrounding the works with green blinds, and ornamenting such parts of them as admitted of it, by painting and gilding. There is a medallion on the stern, in which is a bust of the distinguished jurist and civilian after whom the vessel is named, and the prow is decorated with carved work of great elegance.

Passed the Richmond, Capt. T. Wiswall, from Albany, at half past 5 -- gave and received six cheers. Near the seat of the late Chancellor Livingston, passed through a school of sturgeon; many of them were leaping out of the water -- some said in honor of the new boat, which other contended that they were merely looking as usual, to see if they had arrived at Albany.

Passed Catskill (a fine bustling village, which has very modestly been built out of sight) -- at 7 o'clock, and Hudson at a quarter before eight. At the latter place, more than a thousand spectators were gazing from the shore, and the "round house"

A strong ebb tide had somewhat retarded our progress ever since we left the Highlands, and the anxious looks of the commodore, informed us but too well, that he feared so much of the water level had run off to the ocean, that we should not have enough left to get over the Overslaugh -- above which Albany was undoubtedly built to prevent an enemy from approaching by water.                                                                                                                                                               
Ten o'clock. -- Were met by the Fire-Fly, which had been sent down as a tender, or lighters, in anticipation of trouble. Half past 10 -- fast aground on the Overslaugh. Fire-Fly came along side -- much confusion, and looking for trunks -- some swearing, and many long faces -- worked hard 'till 12 o'clock, in fruitless endeavors to get off.

Sent off the Fly with all the passengers who wished to go, with their baggage. The others retired to their berths. At half past 12, got off, and at 1 o'clock were at Albany. N. B. machinery new -- not worn smooth -- lost more than two hours at landing places -- started at 20 minutes after the time appointed -- stemmed the tide more than 100 miles -- or we should have been in Albany by 8 o'clock -- or in 15 hours from New-York. 

Tuesday, August 19. [reception at Albany] Wednesday morning -- 5 o'clock. -- This was the appointed hour for setting the engine in motion on our return to New-York; but only a few of the passengers had made their appearance. They were mustering down, however, many of them scarcely half awake; some with unbuttoned waistcoats; others with their cravats in their hands; and many of them (being obliged to act as their own porters,) puffing and blowing with a trunk under one arm, and a valice under the other. 

Got under way at 25 minutes near the Overslaugh half an hour past 5, with about one hundred and fifty passengers -- the other hundred and fifty, who intended to come, having been left. 

Five to eight o'clock. -- Delayed near the Overslaugh half an hour by the fog; company rather dull. The islands and shored upon both sides, appeared as fresh, green and beautiful as ever. -- The scenery for 25 miles below Albany, is pleasing, but instead of the rugged mountain, and the foaming torrent, the eye of the traveller rests upon green pastures, rich vales, luxuriant meadows, and golden fields of grain, with here and there a gentle brook or rivulet, winding its way slowly, until it is lost in the bosom of the Hudson. Passed Hudson, a distance of thirty miles, at twenty minutes after eight -- being just three hours from the time of starting. At least 800 spectators on the hill, which unfortunately hides the city from the river. Took in a large number of passengers.

Eight o'clock and forty minutes, Met the Richmond, 66 hours [sic] and a half from New-York. Boarded her, and got the Commercial Advertiser and Evening Post, of last evening. First article announced, was the "Yellow Fever," and the appalling news spread through the different apartments of the boat like wild fire. The alarm, however, was but momentary, as it soon appeared to be the a case, or rather an attempt to get up a case of domestic origin. Many learned discussions followed, all of which have at different times appeared in the newspapers. Passed Catskill at 9. 

One o'clock, P. M. Opposite Hyde Park, in approaching which there was some concern expressed at the appearance of a great number of strange animals in the water. As we approached them, their heads appeared of the human form, and from the shrill cries of a number of them, a Scotsman who had visited the Orkneys, declared his belief that they were Mermaids. Counted forty-seven of them, but in their haste to get out of the way of the boat, we found that their lower extremities had neither fins nor scales. N. B. If these animals are amphibious, or belong to the finny race, should advise the people of Hyde Park to catch a few of them. If they are men and boys, belonging to the place, they ought to be whipped into better manners. 

At three o'clock were dining while passing Newburgh. At West Point we landed the band, and the officers who accompanied us to Albany and back. N. B. The band had been sent on board by Col. Thayer, the accomplished Commander at West Point, at the request of Commodore Wiswall, for which act of politeness there was an unanimous feeling of gratitude on the part of 200 passengers who went up -- 150 who came down -- and all the citizens of Albany and Troy (which places the band visited and serenaded last evening.) -- Continued our voyage pleasantly several hours, without having any thing strange or comical to record.

Six o'clock. -- In the Tappan Sea, where the tempest had once been so nearly fatal to the gallant Peter Stuyvesant. Met the Steam-boat Chancellor Livingston, Center, in two hour from New-York. Boarded and got the newspapers. No yellow fever, and the Albany merchants concluded not to stop at Greenwich. While sailing beneath the towering pallisades of Rockland, the sun bade us good night, and the "moon" ushered in one of the most delightful evenings that we ever beheld.

At fifteen minutes after 10, we arrived at the foot of Courtlandt street; and before 11 of Wednesday, the writer of this, was in his own house, having left New-York on Monday morning -- slept at Albany on Monday night -- spent Tuesday in visiting his friends at Albany and Troy -- and slept again in Albany on Tuesday night. Such, with enterprising owners, and active agents, are the facilities of travelling by steam, at the present day. Who knows, when we get Perkin's engine in full blast, but that New Yorkers, instead of going to Albany to tea, may go there to attend to their bank business, dine, and return home to tea! One of our citizens who returned in the KENT, had travelled eight hundred and ninety miles in eight days, including two days devoted to his business, at Chazy.

But to conclude. No excursion to the country could have been more pleasant and grateful to the feelings than this. The expedition with which we travelled, regardless of winds and tides, was unprecedented, and the accommodations good enough for any body. But a few years ago it was quite a serious undertaking to go to Albany. Now, we can go in a few hours, without inconvenience or fatigue, and attended with all the comforts and elegancies of a splendid hotel. On this occasion, the company, both ways, were highly pleased with their fare, and gratified with the politeness and attention of the Commodore -- nor did they leave the boat without feeling a deep sense of the obligation the public are under for all these comforts, elegancies and conveniences, to the FULTON STEAM BOAT COMPANY.

“A Trip to Albany.” New-York Spectator, August 26, 1823, from Commercial Advertiser, August 22, 1823, 

​Picture of New York. -- Our readers at a distance, who are acquainted with this city, as it appears at ordinary seasons, will doubtless feel some curiosity to know how it looks, while laboring under the calamity of a pestilence. and we shall this evening endeavor to draw a brief sketch of the city, as viewed under its present aspect. ***

Beginning, then, with what is called the infected district, . . . you see the wharves from about Fulton-street, on the North River, to the Battery, entirely stripped of its [sic] shipping, no boats plying along the solitary shore, the stores and houses fronting the river all closed, and the dead silence which reigns through this region, unbroken by the hum of industry or the cheerful bustle of business. ***

From the Battery up the East River, to Fulton-street, some gleanings of business and population yet remain, no case of fever having yet appeared on this side of town. Several stores are still open in South-street, and a few in Water-street; but our readers can judge how generally the lower part of the city has been deserted, when we inform them that the estimate of population south of Fulton-street, which it will be recollected, extends river to river, is short of 3000. The ordinary population is probably not far from 30,000, making the number of emigrants 27,000. The beautiful streets in the vicinity of the Battery, Broadway as far up as the park, with the parallel and transverse streets, from river to river, comprising one of the most wealthy, and in ordinary seasons the most healthy and delightful portions of the city, now wear the solitude of the desert and appall the heart with their loneliness. ***

*** The city above Fulton-street appears much as usual, except that the population is very much thinned in the lower streets, and the quantity of business diminished. The City Hall, and the public places in the vicinity, . . . are open as usual. Washington Hall is crowded with boarders, who have retreated from the lower parts of the city. From this point up Broadway to the junction with the Bowery, a person would hardly know the street. Instead of gilded carriages, filled with ladies and gentlemen riding out for pleasure, you see the street full of carts loaded with articles of merchandise, and the side-walks crowded with men of business. Many temporary buildings are of rough boards, which rising by the side of marble walls, and houses finished in the first style of elegance, present a grotesque appearance. The front rooms of nearly all the dwelling houses are occupied as stores, banks, insurance offices, and shops of every description; and the fronts are literally covered with signs. 

Several curious mistakes have happened to persons who have come to the city since these changes have taken place. It is said a corinthian with a lady under his arm, wishing to take an evening lounge in Vauxhall, and choosing the Western Entrance from Broadway, . . . suddenly found himself in a dry goods store. Another gentleman of the same description, in entering the Columbian Gardens by the usual route, soon discovered he was at the counter of a broker's office, but having no bills to exchange, except a ragged note, which he intended to barter for an ice-cream, a glass of punch, and a cigar, he twirled his stick in a most exquisite manner, and made his grand entre by another avenue.

We have already mentioned the complete metamorphosis of Greenwich. If a citizen who has been absent for the last fortnight were led blindfold into some of the streets, . . . he would not recognize the village. He would see ladies doing their shopping in what were lately barns or stables, and parties of gentlemen dining in new Hotels, which have been reared and finished, as it were, by enchantments. The new Coffee-Houses of Messrs. Sykes and Niblo, are now completed, and furnish the best accommodations for company. We must not forget to mention the other conveniences of the village, that gentlemen may be shaved in the best style by Mr. Frumento, who occupies a very neat shop, and scatters his perfumes, where lately the dairy-maid milked her cows. Such are some of the revolutions which New-York has undergone in the course of a few weeks. God grant that any further changes may be found unnecessary.
New York Statesman, September 3, 1822,

We remained at anchor all night, and next morning proceeded up the river, passing the city on our right, which truly presented a picture of desolation, the numerous wharfs being entirely bare of vessels, not a soul to be seen stirring about, the streets covered with lime and charcoal, and guarded at each end by a high fence, and the doors and windows of every habitation and store closely shut. We cast anchor opposite to a part of the town deemed sufficiently healthy, nearly three miles above the point which forms the southern boundary of the city. On going ashore, the bustle that prevailed was beyond description, nearly the whole of the business-part of the city being removed out to the fields which skirt the suburbs. An immense variety of temporary wooden buildings . . . were speedily erected for the accommodation of the citizens; and the business transacted here during two months was prodigious; some of these buildings were fitted up as hotels, where 200 or 300 people were boarded, but the accommodations for beds, etc. at such a time, may easily be conceived to have been none of the best. ***
Peter Neilson, Recollections of a Six Years’ Residence in the United States of America. Glasgow, 1830.

West street. -- It is incredible with what rapidity the seat of business may be changed upon an emergency. If the traveller takes up his line of march from Murray-street, he will find from wharf to wharf a few straggling craft, and here and there an individual or two, silently moving towards the north. When he passes Canal-street, and comes at the foot of Spring-street market, he is immediately ushered into a crowd of people, and surrounded by the hum of business. The slips are crowded with North River sloops, line of packet ships, and other vessels, market and oyster boats, carts, drays, waggons, measurers, gaugers; a long line of temporary stores, on which we recognize the names of many of our old and most active merchants and dealers; and this bustle extends to the state prison, and every thing appears as lively as if nothing had occurred to check the current of commerce.
National Advocate, September 5, 1822, 

In this irregular and temporary city in the field, you might find in one groupe, banking-houses, insurance offices, coffee-houses, auctioneers’ sale-rooms, dry goods, hardware, and grocery stores, milliners’ shops, barber’s shops, and last, though not least, a suitable proportion of grog and soda-water shops.
Peter Neilson, Recollections of a Six Years’ Residence in the United States of America. Glasgow, 1830. 

The old Rondout to New York night boat “James W. Baldwin,” that linked Rondout and Kingston with the metropolis to the south longer than any other, had her share of mishaps. 
The ‘‘Baldwin” ran on the river during an era when sloops and schooners still plied the Hudson in great numbers. On one dark and hazy night, while making a landing at Marlborough, the steamer mistook a sloop’s lantern for a light on the dock.  She hit the sloop, named “First Effort,” which sank in 50 feet of water and, which to this day, is still on the bottom of the river. 

Another time in 1904 on a black, rainy night off Esopus, the “Baldwin” collided with an ancient sloop named '‘Contrivance.”  The sloop, carrying a load of brick, was 86-years-old and was sunk.  The captain of the sloop, Calvin Delanoy, was drowned. 
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On Wednesday, July 4, 1888, the “James W. Baldwin” was involved in an accident that subsequently led to the steamboat's name being changed to “Central Hudson.”  On that holiday evening shortly after 8 p.m. on leaving her dock at Newburgh, a small steam launch carrying eight people crossed the steamboat's bow.  Despite the steamer's frantic efforts to back down, it was too late to get the way off the “Baldwin.”  The launch was hit amid-ships [sic] and immediately sank.  

Quick action by the “Baldwin's" crew saved six of the eight people in the launch.  Of the two persons lost, one unfortunately happened to be Mrs. Benjamin B. Odell, Jr., whose husband would later become Governor of New York State and head of the steamboat company that years later was to acquire ownership of the “James W. Baldwin.” 

Of the accident itself, a coroner's jury later found the launch to be at fault and exonerated the men in the “Baldwin's” pilot house of blame. 

During the latter half of the 19th century, virtually every community of any size along the Hudson River was linked to New York by its own steamboat line.  In 1899, the three independent steamboat companies serving Newburgh, Poughkeepsie and Kingston were consolidated into one company, the new company being named the Central Hudson Steamboat Company.  One of the prime movers behind the consolidation and an officer of the new company was Benjamin B. Odell, Jr. of Newburgh, whose wife had been drowned in the “Baldwin” incident 11 years before. 

Since the “James W. Baldwin” was one of the two steamers of the Kingston line acquired in the merger, she came under the Odell ownership.  In 1903, the “Baldwin” underwent a rebuilding which included new boilers and a dining room on the saloon deck forward.  Allegedly as an aftermath of her tragic accident of July 4, 1888, the “James W. Baldwin” at this point was renamed “Central Hudson.”  As a final irony, the Central Hudson Line built a new steamer in 1911 to replace the “James W. Baldwin,” now named “Central Hudson.”  The new steamboat's name was “Benjamin B. Odell.” 

Back in the glory days of the “James W. Baldwin” on the Rondout run, the steamer, particularly on Saturdays, would have brushes with the “Mary Powell.“

Both steamboats were scheduled to arrive at Rondout on summer Saturday evenings at about the same time.  Coming up off Esopus both boats would frequently be neck and neck with throttles wide open.  The Chief Engineer of the “Baldwin“ would pace back and forth across the main deck commanding his firemen, “Don’t you dare let that steam pressure drop one ounce, or you can go ashore at Rondout for good!" 

Up in the pilot house of the “Baldwin,” the pilots would try and jockey for position and get on the west side of the channel so their steamer would be on the inside of the turn going around Esopus Meadows lighthouse.  Sometimes the “Baldwin” would cut the Esopus lighthouse so short her port paddle wheel would stir up the mud.  When they got off Sleightsburgh and if they had a good high tide, I understand they would sometimes cut inside the Rondout lighthouse —which at that time stood on the south side of the creek.  Then, how the water would turn muddy! 

If they beat the “Powell” to Rondout Creek, the “Mary Powell” would have to lay out in the river and wait for the “Baldwin” to go in the creek and get turned around.  At times like that, sometimes the crew of the “Baldwin” would take their sweet time turning and handling lines just to show the people waiting on the dock the “Baldwin” was on time landing, and the “Powell” would be late landing her passengers—sort of 19th century one upsmanship. 
As the first decade of the 20th century drew to a close, the career of the old “James W. Baldwin” also approached its end.  During 1910, the Central Hudson Line contracted for a new steamboat, designed as a replacement for the “Baldwin.” 

The new steamer, the “Benjamin B. Odell” made her first trip into Rondout Creek on April 11, 1911, bringing to a close the 50 year service of the “Baldwin,” now named “Central Hudson”, on the Rondout run. 

In May of 1911, the “Central Hudson” was chartered by a company known as the Manhattan Line which had sprung up as an opposition line to the Hudson River Night Line running to Albany and Troy.  The “Central Hudson“ was to run with the steamer “Kennebec,” an old Maine steamboat. 

On her trip down river on May 20, 1911 in heavy fog, the '‘Central Hudson” ran aground below Jones Point, opposite Peekskill.  She was aground some 13 hours before getting off and continuing on to New York.  On the very next trip up river, heavy with freight, the “Central Hudson“ grounded again, making the turn too quick before getting up to Gee’s Point at West Point.  Unfortunately, she ran aground at high water. 

The Cornell tugboats “E. C. Baker” and "G. W. Decker” were sent down from Newburgh to try and pull her off.  By the time they got there, however, the tide was ebbing and the captain of the “Decker” later told me the rods from her spars were getting slack in them, an indication she was hogging.  The way her bow was aground, the tugboat captains thought if they pulled on her, at her age, and if she came off, the “Central Hudson” might sink in the deep water there before they could get her beached. 

The captain of the “Decker“ observed, “If they had had a Central Hudson Line crew on the old “Baldwin” like Amos Cooper and Abram Brooks, the accident would never have happened.  Look at the hundreds of times those two men took her around there in years past without anything happening.”

Finally, Merritt, Chapman and Scott, the marine salvagers, had to be hired to free the “Central Hudson.”  After getting her afloat, it was found she was so badly strained, the old steamer would have to he retired.  She was towed to Newburgh where she lay for nearly six months.  On Nov. 15, 1911, the “Central Hudson,” or as she was better remembered as the “James W. Baldwin” was towed to the old steamboat graveyard at Port Amboy, N.J. and broken up. 

During her long career, the steamboat was commanded by a long line of well known Hudson River captains.  The list included Captains Jacob H. Tremper, Jacob H. Tremper, Jr., Reuben H. Decker, Weston L. Dennis, Arthur Palmer, Zack Rossa and F. L. Simpson.

For decades after she was gone, the old “James W. Baldwin” was remembered by steamboatmen and spoken of kindly—as the old side wheeler that after running between Kingston and New York for 50 years did not want to go off on a new route with a new crew. 

Editor's Note: This series of blog posts recounts the dramatic story of the Esopus Indian Nation’s Revolutionary War exodus. The original inhabitants of Ulster County, the Esopus Indians successfully maintained their sovereignty and traditional way of life in the face of overwhelming odds for over a century. These blog posts are summaries of a much fuller story that will be published in 2027.

Part 4. Destruction: Autumn 1778

Over the latter half of 1778, it became abundantly clear that peace in Ulster County was no longer possible. On September 6th, 1778 – the same day that Esopus Indian war captains Benjamin Shanks and John Runnupe sent their letter of grievance and threat of retaliation to the militia officers in Marbletown – Colonel Johannes Cantine received a letter from Governor Clinton, who informed him that he was “…fully convinced that we are not to have Peace on our Frontier, untill the Straggling Indians & Tories who infest it are exterminated or drove back & their Settlements destroyed. If, therefore, you can destroy the Settlement of [Onaquaga] it will in my Oppinion be a good Piece of Service.”[1] A few days later, a group of two dozen militiamen stumbled upon the Esopus warriors’ encampment on the East Branch of the Delaware near present-day Downsville.

The warriors, who knew of the militia’s approach, ambushed them; the two sides fought in a dense hemlock forest on a nearby mountainside until nightfall, when both sides retreated, leaving four or five dead on each side. The most detailed account of this battle was recorded from militia participants decades after the war ended. They assumed that their professed superior fighting prowess meant that the Esopus warriors had lost even more men but had removed the bodies from view. (This was most certainly not the case).[2] By the end of the month, Governor Clinton had planned an invasion for the other side of the Catskills, with the express aim of sending militiamen and Continental Army soldiers to destroy the villages of the Esopus Indians on the West Branch of the Delaware as well as Joseph Brant’s base at the nearby large mixed town of Onaquaga.[3]

That October, a large Rebel invasion force set out from the Schoharie Valley and headed towards the upper Susquehanna. Under Lieut. Col. William Butler (not to be confused with prominent Loyalist John Butler), this force destroyed the mixed Native towns of Onaquaga and Unadilla as well as the farms of outlying Loyalist settlers.[4] They did so with little opposition, for the warriors and Loyalist volunteers under Joseph Brant were absent, raiding Rebel farms in the Delaware Valley. Fortunately, the inhabitants of Onaquaga and Unadilla knew that the Rebel forces were coming, and most of the non-combattants were able to safely evacuate a few hours beforehand. Tragically, a number of Indian children, hiding in a cornfield, were discovered and were murdered by the Rebels with bayonets.[5] Now, nearly all the farms and settlements in the Western Catskills and upper Susquehanna – Native and European – had been destroyed.
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The close proximity of the now-destroyed Loyalist Mohican settlements at Unadilla to the Esopus Indian settlements on the West Branch of the Delaware, combined with the destruction on the East Branch, meant that the Esopus Indians were surrounded by destruction on all sides. Those Esopus families who had moved to Onaquaga for safety in the previous year were also now homeless. With the loss of their prime agricultural lands on the East Branch of the Delaware and the loss of Onaquaga as a secure base of operations, they could no longer remain on the Catskill Mountain frontier. The Esopus Indians subsequently moved their women and children further westward for safety to the towns of Otsiningo and Chughnut, where many Esopus Indians already lived (near Binghamton, NY).[6] They had been forced out of what remained of their ancestral territory.
                                                        To Be Continued…

Citations:
[1] Ibid, Vol. III: 250-251.
[2] Munsell & Co., History of Delaware County, N. Y. 135
[3] Ibid., Vol. IV. 114-115.
[4] Montgomery, Thomas Lynch, ed. Pennsylvania Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. II. Harrisburg, PA: Harisburg Publishing Company, 1906. 1026-1029
[5] Preston, Samuel. "Journey to Harmony" in Patricia H. Christian, ed., Samuel Preston, 1789-1989. Equinunk, PA: Equinunk Historical Society, 1989. 100-101.
[6] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol IV. Albany, NY: 1900. 412-414

1832-03-17 Evening Post (NY);
[Editor's Note: There were two lighthouses near Stuyvesant: The northern one, which this article deals with, about 1.5 miles north of Stuyvesant Landing on the east side of the river, and a southern one, on the northern tip of the island on the west side of the river, opposite Stuyvesant Landing.]
To the Editor of the Sentinel --
Sir, — I am about to record one of the most afflicting and singular providences I ever witnessed. The Hudson river had been rising for more than 24 hours, when the ice began to give way. It was thought that the light-house standing about one mile above the landing, was in danger of being injured by the large bodies of ice which were floating down the river. About two o’clock to-day, two gentlemen [one named Charles M. Beecher, the other's name unfortunately unknown], with great difficulty, made the light house in a small boat, as it was now standing in and entirely surrounded by water. They advised Mr. Witbeck, the occupant of the house, to leave it, together with his family, immediately. They accordingly made preparations to do so, by removing their furniture into the upper story, and making a comfortable disposition of their cows and other stock. When nearly ready to leave their threatened home, suddenly and with terrible violence the ice came rushing upon the house — they were startled by one awful and tremendous crash, and in less than a minute the whole two story stone edifice was a mingled heap of ruins. The family, consisting of ten persons, with the exception of one, were in the building when it fell. — Four of them disappeared, and were either buried beneath the ruins, or swept off by the impetuous flood. Two daughters of Mr. Witbeck — one aged 15 and the other 13, and two of his grandsons, one 14 and the other 8 months old — were the unfortunate victims of this dire catastrophe. By the timely assistance afforded by the two gentlemen above alluded to, who were near in a boat, six persons out of ten, were saved. The survivors were badly bruised, and on reaching the shore, so chilled and exhausted, that they were unable to walk. They were taken to a house near by, and made as comfortable as circumstances would admit.

I am informed that it is not expected Mrs. Witbeck will recover, and that the recovery of the other members of the family is considered very doubtful. This family is now left in a destitute condition to share the lot of the suffering and of the poor.
Yours, JOHN ALLEY.
 
From the (Coxsackie) Greene Co Advertiser of Wednesday.
Damage by the Ice.—The freshet in the river broke the ice at this place yesterday. In the morning footmen passed over; at 1 o’clock the ice began to move and in three hours it had nearly all disappeared.  At Coeymans they have sustained heavy loss. The store house on the dock of N. Stepens is nearly destroyed, together with a considerable quantity of grain; about one half of the store is carried away, and a schooner was driven into and nearly through the part left standing, where she remains.  Another store house, with a quantity of hay in bundles, was swept off, and two or three vessels sunk.

We have sustained no damage at this place, except that part of the new pier, which is to connect this with the Lower Landing, is carried away.

1832-03-21 Independence Newspaper (Poughkeepsie)
"MELANCHOLY OCCURRENCE -- On Tuesday last, about 12 o'clock, M., the ice in the Hudson River at Stuyvesant Landing, began to give way. The river had at that time risen to an unusual height, the water being twelve feet above low-water mark, covering the docks to the depth of four feet, and making an entrance into most of the storehouses on the wharfs. Serious and well-grounded apprehensions were entertained that every building along the margin of the river would be swept away, but happily those fears were not realized, the buildings having sustained only a trifling damage. The ice continued to move about, and apparently in one solid mass several miles in extent. During this interval, a most distressing scene was witnessed at the site of the upper lighthouse, situated a mile and a half above the Landing. This was a stone building, 20 feet by 34, and two stories high, with a mole surrounding it 4 feet in height. The water had risen to the top of the mole before the ice began to move, which rendered the situation of the inmates truly alarming. Soon the immense field of ice above was seen to swing from its moorings, and coming down with irresistible force[,] struck the lighthouse, which in a moment was a heap of ruins.
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There were at the time ten individuals in the building, four of whom, melancholy to relate, were buried under its crumbling walls. Mr. Volkert Whitbeck, the keeper of the lighthouse, his wife, their daughter, Mrs. Van Hoesen, and three other individuals escaped from the falling edifice, barely in time to save their lives. Those who perished were: two daughters of Mr. Whitbeck, aged 15 and 13 years, and a son of Mrs. Van Hoesen, aged 12, and her infant child. All must inevitably have found a premature death, but for the intrepid exertions of Mr. Charles M. Beecher, to whose praiseworthy efforts the rescue of the survivors is mainly attributed. Mr. Beecher put off in a small boat from the shore to relieve Mr. Whitbeck and his family from their perilous situation, but owing to some delay in arranging the furniture &ct., they were not prepared to leave the building until it began to fall -- and then too late for some of the unfortunate inmates. --- Kinderhook Sentinel." 

1832-03-21 Poughkeepsie-Journal
The Kinderhook Sentinel gives the following account of the destruction of the Light-House there:
"The Light House was a stone building, 20 by 34, and two stories high, with a mole surrounding it, four feet in height. The water had risen to the top of the mole before the ice began to move, which rendered the situation of the inmates truly alarming. Soon the immense field of ice above was seen to swing from its moorings and come down with irresistible force, struck the Light House, which in a moment was made a heap of ruins. There were at the time ten Individuals in the building, four of whom. melancholy to relate, were buried under the crumbling walls. Mr. Volkert Witbeck, the keeper of the Light House, his wife, the daughter Mrs. Van Hoesen, and three other individuals, escaped from the falling edifice, barely in time to save their lives. Those who perished, were two daughters of Mr. Witbeck, aged 15 and  13 years, and a son of Mrs. Van Hoesen, aged 14, and her infant child. All must inevitably have found a premature death, but for the intrepid exertions of Mr. Charles M. Beecher, to whose praiseworthy efforts the rescue of the survivors is mainly attributed. Mr. Beecher put off in a small boat from the shore to relieve Mr. Witbeck and his family from their perilous situation, but owing to some delay in arranging the furniture, &c., they were not prepared to leave the building until it began to fall — and then too late for some of the unfortunate intimates [inmates]. 

Life preserver. -- This afternoon, at half past 5 o'clock, an exhibition of a new invented life preserver will take place on Governor's Island. Two gentlemen will walk in the water, and perform certain feats with a gun and a broadsword. The object being to test the utility of the invention. A ticket at $1 will admit a lady and a gentleman on board the "Nautilus", to see the exhibition. National Advocate, June 25, 1822

WALK IN THE WATER. An immense concourse of people were attracted to the Battery yesterday afternoon, to see two persons walk in the water, in new invented life preservers; and according to flaming handbills and newspaper puffs, they were to fire pistols, fight with broad swords and perform other aquatic evolutions, which are usually performed at periods of shipwreck. About 400 persons were crowded on board the "Nautilus", and as many more in a team-boat; 10,000 spectators lined the wharves and battery, and the river was covered with boats, gigs and barges, which soon made their way for Governor's Island. -- while the whole world were snug under the shore of the island, we perceived on the opposite shore, a small boat with four persons, and judging from certain suspicious movements, that they were the parties, we ordered the gig to steer for them; and being the only boat along side, we saw them leap into the water, cased with some kind of jacket and drawers, of a buoyant nature, and walk erect with great ease, while, having a fair view of the successful experiment, the two water walkers fired their carbines; at the signal, the crowd of boats watching near the shore, dashed in immense numbers, towards them, and surrounded them so thickly, that it was dangerous to proceed; and they jumped into their boat, whip'd their green plaid cloaks about them, and rowed off. Those who paid a dollar saw nothing -- hundreds who came in boats, were also disappointed -- but for ourselves, we saw the whole experiment, almost alone, for about ten minutes, and was satisfied with its utility. The crowd of boats was so great, and the concussion of prows, sterns, mast, rigging and oars, so powerful, that the whole had the appearance of an attack.
National Advocate, June 26, 1822,

Walk-in-the-water. -- . . . the exhibition of two men, supported with cork jackets, in deep water, . . . promised to such of our fellow citizens as were willing to pay a dollar a piece. . . . But we are inclined to believe, from what was said, it was a sort of a hoax. On the whole, we suspect the public has been imposed upon, if not insulted.
N-Y E Post, June 26, 1822

Mr. Coleman, Sir. -- The proprietor of the Life Preserving Dress, observed in your paper of last Evening, your remarks, that his Exhibition was a hoax, "and that the public were imposed upon, if not insulted." In justice to himself and the public, he has to state that every pledge or promise made, was most fully accomplished, as Mr. Noah and hundreds of others can attest. If, contrary to every rational expectation, those for whom the experiment was made and who paid for witnessing, were prevented from seeing the Exhibition for the numberless boats in the River, surely no blame ought to attach to him. -- He can assure the public, that so far from making it a catch dollar concern, that he is the loser of 65 dollars, besides a great deal of time and trouble. He will in a few days, make another exhibition, when he trusts he will be favored with your company, and fully satisfy you and everyone else, if any doubts exist not only of its utility, but its practicability. [unsigned]
N-Y E Post, June 27, 1822

Walk-in-the-water. -- Nearly all our city editors, including the sagacious Doctor of the Evening Post, are angry with me, because I saw the walk in the water gentry, and pronounce it boldly to be no hoax, but, on the contrary, a good invention. I offered neighbor Stone and Prof. Carter a seat in our news cutter; but forsooth, they feared the imputation of being considered bucktails and preferred some 300 ladies and gentlemen on board the "Nautilus", and saw nothing.
National Advocate, June 27, 1822,

The book “Mary Powell” published earlier this year and written by my good friend, Donald C. Ringwald, justly revived interested in the old “Queen of the Hudson.” However, another Rondout steamboat that had many striking similarities to the “Mary Powell” but never achieved the fame I thought she deserved was the old Rondout to New York night boat “James W. Baldwin.”

Both the “Mary Powell” and the James W. Baldwin” had much in common. Both steamboats were built at the same shipyard at Jersey City, the “Baldwin” in 1860 and the “Powell” in 1861. Both were built for service between Rondout and New York, the “Powell” as a day steamer, the “Baldwin” as a night boat. Both faithfully served their Rondout to New York route for almost the same period of time, the “Powell” making her last run in 1917 and the “Baldwin” ending her service only six years before in 1911.

Although the “Mary Powell’s” period of active service was a few years more, the “James W. Baldwin” probably made more trips. The “Powell” was treated almost like a yacht and her regular season would normally be from early May to mid-October. The “Baldwin,” on the other hand, was a work horse and she would start yearly service just as soon as the river ice broke up in March and run until river navigation was stopped by the ice of the following winter. Whereas the “Powell” carried only passengers, the “Baldwin” also on most trips would be heavily laden with freight and Hudson Valley cargoes.

Also, the “Mary Powell” ran only during the best months of the year as far as the weather was concerned the “James W. Baldwin,” on the other hand, had to combat the fogs of early spring and late fall with their potential accompanying hazards of grounding or collision and on occasion, even had ice to contend with. Clearly, she deserved more credit and fame than was to be her fate.

The “James W. Baldwin” first appeared on the Hudson River on the Rondout run in the spring of 1861. She was built for Captain Jacob H. Tremper of Kingston, one of the best known steamboat operators of his era. Originally 242 feet long and, as was the custom in that long ago day, she was a typical steamboat of her time – a sidewheeler with a walking beam engine and with her boilers on her guards abaft the paddle wheels.

When she came on the Rondout route, she was immediately hailed as the fastest night boat on the river carrying staterooms. Some old timers, as late as 1920, claimed that before she was lengthened and more staterooms added, she was just as fast as the famous “Mary Powell.”

When she was built, it was said she carried on her paddle boxes as the base of the fanlike wheel housings a carved portrait likeness in vivid colors of James W. Baldwin, the man for whom she was named. While under construction, Captain Tremper was allegedly going to name the new steamer “Wiltwyck.” Baldwin was the father-in-law of William F. Romer, Captain Tremper’s partner in his steamboat venture, and on his death a month or two prior to the vessel’s launching Captain Tremper decided to name his new boat after Mr. Baldwin.
In those days, captains frequently also attended to the business affairs of their steamers, as well, and Captain Tremper sailed on his new boat in this capacity from her first trip until his death in 1888. During this same period, the “Baldwin’s” chief engineer was David B. Jackson, known as “Boss” Jackson. It was said he could sit in his engine room and uncannily detect any unusual sound from his boat’s faithful beam engine, immediately tell where it was coming from, and take whatever corrective action was necessary in but a moment or two. He passed away two years after Captain Tremper on June 4, 1890, after 30 years of sailing up and down the Hudson on the “Baldwin.”

Since she sailed on the Rondout to New York run for fifty years, the “James W. Baldwin” had many running mates – as it took two steamboats to provide nightly service. First it was the steamer “Manhattan,” then the “Knickerbocker” and  then for a 19 year period the steamboat “Thomas Cornell” – until the latter was wrecked on Danskammer Point on March 27, 1882. The steamboats “City of Catskill” and the “City of Springfield” then ran opposite the “Baldwin” until the new steamer “City of Kingston” came on the route in 1884. After the “City of Kingston” was sold in 1889 to run on the Pacific coast, the steamer “Saugerties” filled in on the run until the steamboat “William F. Romer” came on the route – the “Baldwin’s” regular companion for her last 21 years of service.

Since the “James W. Baldwin” was built in an era when many vessels – particularly large sailing ships – carried intricately carved figure heads on their bow, the “Baldwin” also boasted fine examples of the wood-carver’s art.
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Only the “Baldwin” carried her carvings on the top of her spars, of which here were four for the purpose of strengthening her hull. On top of the forward spar was a very large eagle with wings spread. The second spar was surmounted by a large gold leafed ball. On top of the third spar was a Union soldier’s liberty cap, somewhat like the fireman’s cap which surmounts today’s flag pole in front of the Port Ewen fire house. Topping the after fourth spar was a sailor peering through a spy glass – always looking dead ahead. These ornamentations were subsequently removed in later years and disappeared, probably due to deterioration caused by the effects of winter snows and summer rains after making hundreds of trips up and down the Hudson.

Like the “Mary Powell,” the “James W. Baldwin” had many devoted followers. One was an old southern gentleman by the name of John C. Alsdorf, who had been a colonel in the Confederate Army. In 1890 at the age of 86 and unattended,  Col. Alsdorf traveled from Atlanta, Georgia to visit some friends in the Catskill Mountains. He took the "Baldwin" from New York to Kingston and told the Second Mate, Charles Steenburgh, he had heard about the "Baldwin" from his son who had been a prisoner of war during the Civil War.

The son had been held as a P.O.W. in the Hudson Valley. When released, he had started his journey home on the "Baldwin." The elderly Colonel said to Mate Steenburgh, "Now, I have done something I wanted to do since my son told me about this sidewheeler. And what a wonderful stateroom I had last night; not even any vibration like the ones down home. She sure is some steamboat to be poud of and I will tell all my friends about her when I get back to Georgia."

Col. Alsdorf's admiration for the "James W. Baldwin" apparently grew during his visit to the Catskills, for on his return about two weeks later he bought a three-way ticket – sail to New York, and then back up to Kingston and back to New York again before resuming his return journey to Atlanta.

Another devoted friend of the "James W. Baldwin" was an early fireman on the steamer who lived in Sleightsburgh and had been drafted for the War between the States. Captured in 1863, he had been held as a prisoner of war at the infamous Andersonville prison. After his release at war's end, he made his way north from Georgia by his own devices, a good part of the journey I've been told literally on foot. Arriving penniless at Jersey City and walking along the waterfront, he saw the "James W. Baldwin" at her New York berth across the river.
The former soldier went to the Jersey City ferry terminal and asked if he could get a ride across the river. The collector curtly told him, "We don't carry people for nothing." A deckhand on the ferryboat overheard the exchange, rand up to the ferry's pilot house, and related the incident to the captain, knowing the captain had lost two sons in the war.

The captain immediately ran down and overtook the crest-fallen soldier walking away in his tattered blue uniform. The captain called out to him to wait and on catching up to him said, "Soldier, if you want to get to the New York shore come back with me. Where are you headed?"

The soldier told him he lived up the river and on seeing the "Baldwin" on which he used to work, he knew he could get a ride of Rondout.

The captain then gave the soldier twenty-five cents to carry with him, saying "I wish I could give you more, but I have to help my son's wives with their children."

The grateful soldier, after crossing the harbor, went aboard the "James W. Baldwin" and saw his old chief, "Boss" Jackson. It was reported to be a very happy meeting with the chief engineer supposedly saying, "You sure can sail up with us. And after you are home awhile and, if a job opens up, I'll let you know." After about a week, "Boss" Jackson was true to his word, and the former soldier was back on the "Baldwin," firing the same starboard boiler he had reluctantly left three years previously.

Editor's Note: This series of blog posts recounts the dramatic story of the Esopus Indian Nation’s Revolutionary War exodus. The original inhabitants of Ulster County, the Esopus Indians successfully maintained their sovereignty and traditional way of life in the face of overwhelming odds for over a century. These blog posts are summaries of a much fuller story that will be published in 2027.

Part 3. In Their Old Barbarous Manner: 1778

​By May of 1778, multiple reports had filtered into Ulster County that the Esopus Indians had transferred their families and non-combattants from the East Branch of the Delaware River to two settlements on the more distant West Branch. Simultaneously, the greater part of their warriors remained encamped on the East Branch near Downsville. Wandering companies of Rebel rangers or militiamen posed a serious threat to both the remaining Catskill Mountain frontier settlers – who were largely Loyalists – and to the Esopus Indians themselves. In fact, a Loyalist officer in Cochecton as much as stated that the presence of these ranging companies, who regularly plundered suspected Loyalist farms, would be the ultimate reason for the Esopus Indians wholeheartedly switching to the British side.[1]

On July 8th, 1778, the Esopus Indians had had enough of maintaining neutrality with the Rebels in Ulster County. Their warriors had been among the victors at the previous year’s Battle of Oriskany to the north, and they were tired of the threats and abuses inflicted on the frontier by Rebel militiamen. In preparation for a potential invasion of their ancestral country, the Esopus Indian war captains –  by order of the Six Nations council at Onondaga – sent a letter meant for the Loyalist inhabitants of Hurley, Marbletown and Kingston, warning them to get out before they were accidentally mistaken for Rebels in the upcoming expedition.[2] Two days later, it was reported that 20 Esopus Indian warriors and 20 Loyalists were planning to raid the area of Rochester and the upper Rondout Valley, and had already taken the livestock and a number of prisoners from Lackawack near the headwaters of the Rondout.[3] Simultaneously, a Munsee and Loyalist warparty raided Minisink on the Delaware River to the southwest. And a report surfaced that John Butler, commander of the loyalist corp Butler’s Rangers, had sent Esopus Indian war captain Ben Shanks to collect Loyalist volunteers from the Western Catskills.[4] Combined with the bloody Battle of Wyoming to the west in Pennsylvania on July 3rd, frontier settlers in Ulster County had reason to be nervous, regardless of whose side they were on.

In August, New York’s Governor Clinton sent a letter to Colonel John Cantine of Marbletown, informing him that it would be best to send out militia companies to remove or destroy all grain and other provisions on the East Branch of the Delaware River in order to weaken frontier Loyalist forces.[5] At least two ranging expeditions made their way over the mountains, one out of Schoharie. On September 4th, Clinton reported success, noting that the rangers had taken great numbers of “…Sheeps, Hogs, and Cattle also a Quantity of Dears Leather; Destroyed all ye grain on the [East Branch of the Delaware] River for tweenty miles, Exceept Indian Corn (tho they where but thirteen In Number)” and planned “to Destroy that as Soon as possible.”[6] The parties of militiamen returned to Marbletown and, high on their success, wanted to expand operations to destroy the town of Onaquaga on the nearby Susquehanna River near Windsor, NY. Onaquaga had become Joseph Brant’s base of operations in early 1778, and functioned as the place of authority for all Loyalists – white, black and Indian – on the frontiers of Ulster County.[7]

Evidently, the militiamen who had burned twenty miles of grain and taken so many livestock on the East Branch of the Delaware had also committed various foul deeds against the neutral and Loyalist inhabitants. In retaliation for the destruction of their homes and for these crimes, around 20 Esopus warriors and Loyalists raided the Rondout Valley as far as Kerhonkson. On their return towards the Catskills, they were pursued by a similar number of militiamen led by Lieutenant John Graham. When in the vicinity of what is now Grahamsville, the Esopus Indian raiding party encountered the pursuing militiamen and, after some fierce fighting, forced them to retreat. Lt. Graham and two of his men were killed and scalped.[8]

On the following day (September 6th), the Esopus Indians’ two war captains – Benjamin Shanks and John Runnupe – sent a remarkable letter to the militia officers in Marbletown to inform them “of the Conduct of the Rangers in theire two Excursions on the Papaconck [i.e. East Branch] River… Your Old Friends the Esopus Indians had allwase ment to Screen Your part of the Country as much as possible in the Present Unhapy Contest as they had no Particular spite at you… your Rangers has Stript severall familys & not Left them one Cow; they have Stript the Women and Children of all their Blanketts & Bed Cloaths & a Great many of their other cloathes; their knocking Women down [likely committing rape] & many more acts Unbecoming men… their Burning every bitt of Grain they could find on the River for fear of the Indian have some Little off, they say may be the means of many of your [own] Barns being Destroyed… They Desire me to Inform you that if your Rangers Come out any more to hurt the Women & Children they will Revenge it Dredfuly on your Women & Children & will spare none tho they never ment to hurt them. In regard of Prisioners that are or may be taken they desire to Inform you that if you hang or put to Death any one of them, that they will burn every Prisioner they Gett in their Old Barbarous manner.”[9]
                                                               To Be Continued…
 
Citations:         
[1] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol. III. Albany: Wynkoop Hallenbeck Crawford Co. 1900.  368-369.
[2] “Letter from the Indians of Papagonk to Ulster County Settlers” WHS 68.8 Call number 68.8, No. 47. The Scheide Library Collections, Princeton University.
[3] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol. II:  544-545
[4] Monroe, John D. Chapters in the History of Delaware County, New York. Delhi, NY:
Delaware County Historical Association, 1949. 50.
[5] Brink, Benjamin. Olde Ulster, Vol.3. Kingston, NY: 1907. 20.
[6] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol. III: 728-730.
[7] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol. III: 728-730.
[8] Ibid., Vol. IV: 16-19.
[9] Public Papers of George Clinton, Vol. II. Albany: Wynkoop Hallenbeck Crawford Co. 1900. 644-645.

​Editor's note: The following article was originally published in the New York Tribune, November 19, 1858. Thanks to Contributing Scholar Carl Mayer for finding, cataloging and transcribing this article. The language, spelling and grammar of the article reflects the time period when it was written. {Ton is used to measure the weight of objects, while tun is used to measure the volume of liquids. Source: Engram]

SHIPMENTS OF ICE TO SOUTHERN (U. S.) PORTS AND TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES.
The business of exporting ice from places of its natural formation to southern ports and countries, was first commenced by Mr. Frederic Tudor of Boston. He began operations in the Fall of 1805 by sending agents to the West Indies to procure information, and soon after determined to make his first experiment in that region. But, when he sought to charter a vessel for his proposed cargo, he found no one willing to receive on shipboard so strange an article as this new commodity in commerce. Hence, he purchased one expressly for the purpose — the brig Favorite, of about 130 tuns. During the following February (1806) he shipped the first cargo of ice ever exported from this country, and probably from any other. He obtained it from a pond on the grounds of his father, in Saugus, which then formed a part of Lynn. It was cut with axes and saws and was taken in wagons to the vessel which was loaded at Gray's Wharf, Charlestown. From that time to this[,] Gray's Wharf has continued to be the center of the wharves from which ice is shipped in the port of Boston. This first shipment was dispatched to St. Pierre, Martinique, and, although Mr. Tudor went out with it, it resulted in a considerable loss, (stated at about $4,500.) This happened in consequence of the want of ice-houses, and the expense of fitting out two agents to the different islands, to announce the project and to secure some advantages. But a greater loss arose from the dismasting of the brig in the vicinity of Martinique.

The second shipment was made in 1807, and was to the amount of 240 tuns, per brig Trident to Havana, and this too was attended with a heavy loss. The enterprise, however, was continued until our second war with Great Britain, when the embargo was laid, and put an end to our foreign trade. To this period, 1812, Mr. Tudor had confined his operations mainly to Martinique and Jamaica, and had received no profit from them. In 1815, after the close of the war, Mr. Tudor recommenced his business by shipments to Havana, under an arrangement with the Cuban Government, by which certain privileges and a monopoly were granted. Thus he continued his undertaking, and extended it — in 1817 to Charleston, S. C.; in the following year to Savannah, Ga.; and in 1820 to New-Orleans. In the mean time it had been tried again (by other parties) at Martinique and St. Thomas, and failed; and by Mr. T. at St. Jago de Cuba, where it also failed after a trial of three years.  As late as 1823 successive disasters attended the business, which much impaired both the finances and health of its projector; but after an illness of two years he was enabled to prosecute his trade and to extend it to several of the Southern States and to various portions of the West Indies, In 1832 his whole shipment of ice amounted to 4,352 tuns, which was taken entirely from Fresh Pond, in Cambridge. On the 18th of May, 1833, he made the first shipment of ice to the East Indies, per the ship Tuscany, for Calcutta; and subsequently he commenced exportations to Madras and Bombay. This first cargo to Brazil was sent out to Rio Janeiro in 1834. The trade was almost wholly carried on by the originator until about the year 1836, when other parties engaged in it; and it was also established in other northern seaports, but at none has it been so extensive as at Boston. In fact the immediate vicinity of Boston is extraordinarily favored by nature for this business, since it contains numerous excellent and large ponds, and thus it can obtain supplies at very cheap rates, which advantage, with others, has kept this item of commerce at the port where it was instituted. Some years since the amounts shipped from New-York were relatively greater than at present. The quantity now annually consumed in New-York and vicinity is so vast, and the demand for it so active, that there is little or no inclination among the ice dealers to go south for better markets,

The following table exhibits the decennial progress of the aggregate export trade (coastwise and foreign) from Boston:
In 1805,   1 cargo ...                130 tuns
In 1815,   6 cargoes ...         1,200 tuns
In 1825,   15 cargoes ...       4,000 tuns
In 1835,   45 cargoes ...     12,000 tuns
In 1845,   175 cargoes ...   63,000 tuns
In 1855,   363 cargoes ... 146,000 tuns
At present, as has been the case for many years, the coastwise trade is considerably more important than the foreign. The ports of our southern cities are in several respects the best markets for ice. The quantity shipped to them is usually twice as much as that shipped abroad. However, there is proportionally a greater profit from the foreign trade, unless attended with unforeseen losses. The total amount of ice shipped from our northern ports to our southern cities cannot be stated correctly except by personally collecting statements from each firm or dealer in the trade. Vessels engaged in the coastwise trade are not required by law to enter or clear at the customhouse unless they have foreign goods or distilled spirits on board. The quantity thus reported as shipped from Boston during 1856 was 81,301 tuns; during 1857, 75,572; and in 1858 to August 31st, 42,468 tuns. The amount shipped and not reported exceeds 20,000 tuns yearly. We give the following summary of the reported shipments this year [1858]:
                                    Jan. & Feb.     March & April  May & June     July & Aug.      Total
Philadelphia ... tuns           .  .                    .  .               300                  700               1,000
Baltimore  ..............            .  .                    .  .                  675                  875               1,550
Washington, DC ....       200                   214                   .  .                  275                 689
Richmond ..............            .  .                    .  .                    .  .                  300                  300
Wilmington ............            .  .                   420                   .  .                    .  .                  420
Charleston ............       1,822                   777              2,520                  830               5,949
Savannah .............           563                   505                   .  .                  310               1,378
Florida, 4 Ports .....        346                   500                 380                    .  .               1,226
Mobile ...................            760                1,942                 250                  636               3,588
New Orleans .........       6,844             15,064                 550               2,739             25,200
Franklin .................            .  .                       244                   .  .                  120                  364
Galveston ..............             275                1,450                   .  .                    .  .               1,725
TOTAL ...................           10,810             21,104              4,675                6,879            42,483
[Some numbers were difficult to read. That may be one reason the totals are not quite accurate.]

According to The Boston Shipping List, the quantity shipped during July last to Southern ports, which was not entered at the Custom House, amounted to about 10,000 tuns, and this was sent principally to Philadelphia and Baltimore, and a considerable quantity was also sent to these ports during August.

Part of these shipments to southern ports are sent by railroad into the interior. This Summer we clipped a paragraph from The Knoxville (Tenn.) Whig, which mentioned the arrival at that place of a freight car through from Savannah in thirty-three hours, filed with ice from Boston. Its editor congratulates the citizens on being able to cool their parched tongues during the Summer with ice thus imported, when the mildness of the last Winter had prevented them from collecting it in their own vicinity.

California, some years ago, received considerable quantities of ice from the New-England States. In 1850 the shipments from Boston were — to San Francisco, 1,299 tuns; to Sacramento, 260; and in subsequent years larger amounts. But most of the ice contained in that State has been obtained from sources on the Northern Pacific coast and other places, and chiefly, we learn, from the Sitka Isles (Russian American possessions). Of the actual whole amount we have no information save by inference from a tabular statement of imports at San Francisco during the last quarters of four successive year, viz: in last quarter of 1853, 1,459 tuns; 1854, 375; 1855, 1,870; and 1856, 1,020 tuns. In a San Francisco paper of July 1st of this year a statement of imports at that place from the 14th to the 28th of June mentions 1,128 tuns of ice, but nothing further is specified about it.

The exports of ice to foreign countries were not specifically mentioned in the annual Treasury Report on Commerce and Navigation previous to 1848. The following table, compiled from the reports since that time, exhibits the estimated value, at place of shipment, of the amount shipped to foreign countries in each fiscal year ending June 30; also the number of tuns for the last three years:
 
Years.              Tuns.               Value.
1847-48 ........                          $75,517
1848-49 ........                            95,027
1849-50 ........                          107,018
1850-51 ........                          106,305
1851-52 ........                          161,086
1852-53 ........                          175,056
1853-54 ........                          202,118
1854-55 ........  41,117             170,791
1855-56 ........  43,150             191,744
1856-57 ........  51,593             219,816
 
These “values" are small, indeed, but it must be borne in mind that they represent only the cost of the cargoes when placed on board. It is, perhaps, impossible to make a reliable estimate of the sums realized for the same when delivered to eager consumers in tropical countries. To the original cost must be added the much greater expense for the shipment out and return trip, and a liberal estimate for profits to all interested.
 
Amount and Cost Value of Ice Shipped to Foreign Countries for Two Fiscal Years ending June 30:
 
                                                1855-6                                     1856-7
Countries.                  Tuns.               Dols.               Tuns.               Dols.  
Cuba                            8,399               33,666             8,846               25,849
Porto Rico                      460                    931                767                   1,681
British West Indies     3,608               11,503             3,009                 8,365
Danish West Indies        860                 2,050               638               ..1,550
French West Indies        641                 1,659                409                 1,002
Hayti                                                                                   50                     150
New-Granada               1,312                 3,247                845                 2,172
Venezuela                        228                   588                610                 1,431
British Guiana               1,177                 3,000                807                 2,142
French Guiana                                                                    15                      45
Dutch Guiana                 212                    529
Brazil                           2,607                 7,790             2,873                 8,990
Buenos Ayres             1,774                 4,909             1,365                 3,528
Chili                                                                               1,135                 3,513
Peru                             6,754               21,351              5,731               17,921
Equador                         730                 2,555             1,760                 5,535
England                          291                    657
Spain                              128                    290
Gibraltar                         187                    514
British East Africa          976                 2,931
British East Indies       9,236               82,165             18,531             124,262
Dutch East Indies         1,146                 3,661             1,997                 6,066
China                                 371                 1,295                310                 1,001
Manila and P. I.                 560                 1,700                517                 1,500
Australia                         1,485                 4,683                596                 1,800
Canada                                 5                        50             ....... 2                      20
British Am’n Colonies         3                        20                777                 1,293
Totals                            43,150               191,744           51,598             219,816
 
The next table is a statement of these exports by districts (no previous returns on this point have been published by the Treasury Department), and shows that nearly the whole were exported from Boston:
 
                                                1855-6                                     1856-7
Districts.                      Tuns.               Value ($).         Tuns.               Value ($).
Portland                            175                    515                      
Saco                                                                                   777                 1,293
Boston                         41,414             187,374           48,888             214,109
Salem                                                                                 15                      45
New-York                      1,556                 3,805             1,916                 4,349
Detroit                                  5                      50           ..   .......2                      20
                                ________        _________      ________          _________
Totals:                         43,150               191,744            51,598             219,816
 
The succeeding table exhibits the destination and amount of the foreign exports of ice [in tuns] from Boston during the last two calendar years, and is compiled from the semi-official custom-house returns published in the Shipping List of that city:
                                    1856.               1857
Havana                       5,801               3,624
Cuba, indef                    314               5,382
Matanzas                       605                  454
St. Jago                          445                  . . .
Cardenas                       422                  . . .
Manzanillo                       57                  . . .
Remedios                         10                  . . .
Porto Rico                      181                    49
Kingston                      1,594               1,952
Barbados                       877                  250
Port Spoin [sic]              704               1,209
Nassau                           180                  180
St. Thomas                    793               1,037
Martinique                      211                  494
Guadeloupe                   . . .                   183
Vera Cruz                       . . .                    103
Bermuda                          40                  . . .
So. America                    375                  . . .
New-Granada                390                  . . .
Aspinwall                        557               1,125
Rio Hache                         10                  . . .
Porto Cabello                   50                  . . .
La Guayra                        218                  753
Demerara                      1,100                  625
Brazil                                   43                  220
Pernambuco                    257                  250
Bahia                                 375                  . . .
Rio Janeiro                     1,762               2,512
Buenos Ayres                  530                  . . .
Montevideo                     893                  . . .
Valparaiso                        614                  557
Peru                                1,194                  592
Callao                             6,744               2,150
Guayaquil                      6,023                  810
Liverpool                        . . .                      298
Malta                              . . .                      430
Egypt                              . . .                      761
Cape Town                    . . .                      498
Mauritius                        . . .                      654
East Indies                  14,330               8,843
Ceylon                            467                 1,352
Melbourne                      596                  . . .
Sidney                            520                  . . .
Totals: [sic]                  44,419             37,400
[Actual Totals:             49,282             37,347]
The corresponding amount for the present year, up to Sept. 1, [1858], is 25,764 [tuns], being a considerable decrease from last year.
 
For many years after its commencement, the business of shipping ice was decidedly of a bothersome character. The domestic business alone involved much expense and vexation — in devising and experimenting with instruments for cutting ice, machinery for storing it, and storehouses for preserving it. The outlay and work connected with shipping it was considerably greater. Ice-houses were required abroad as well as at home. Ship owners objected to receiving ice on freight, fearing its effect on the durability of their vessels and the safety of voyages. Peculiar arrangements were required for lowering it into the holds of vessels. Long-continued and costly experiments were made to ascertain the best modes of preparing vessels to receive cargoes. Various methods and materials were successively adopted. Formerly the holds of vessels were sealed up at the sides, bottom and top, with boards nailed to joist ribs secured to the skin of the vessel, and with double bulk heads forward and aft. The spaces thus formed were filled with refined tan, rice hulls, meadow hay, straw, wood shavings, or like materials. These spaces were made of a thickness proportionate to the length of the voyage, and with reference to the season. The immediate surface of the ice was covered with the same materials, excepting tan.

On the 4th of May, 1838, a patent for an improved method of packing and stowing ice was granted to Mr. Tudor, the projector of the trade. The improvement consisted simply in filling the spaces usually left between the separate blocks of ice, with any non-conducting material (such as saw-dust, chaff, pulverized cork, &c.), it having been found that by so doing the ice would be preserved from melting for a much longer period than usual. The interstices between the blocks would admit air, and whenever it might be of a temperature above the freezing point, of course the ice would melt.

In 1840 and 1841 the Patent Office authorities had under consideration a somewhat similar claim for a patent, which was denied. Beside its bearing on this subject of the ice-business, the case illustrates some features of Patent Office procedure. The following is a summary of it: — On March 20 [or 26]th, 1840, John F. Kemper, of Cincinnati, applied for a patent for “improvements in the manner of constructing vessels for the stowing and carrying of ice, and also for an improvement in the manner of stowing the same in “vessels and ice-houses.” No objection was made to that part of his claim relating to the novel construction of vessels for the transportation of ice, but the Commissioner (Hon. Henry L. Ellsworth), decided that he was not entitled to a patent for his manner of stowing ice, which consisted in placing all of the blocks edgewise, that is[,] upon their narrowest side. From this decision an appeal was taken in February, 1841, under the Act of March 3rd, 1849, to the Chief Justice of the District of Columbia, and this was the first appeal taken under that act to that court. On March 22d following, Chief Justice Cranch confirmed the decision of the Commissioner. The Commissioner, in defense of his decision, said:

"It had long been common to place blocks of ice edgewise in vessels for transportation, although it was not known that there was a very beneficial result from so doing, and although there was no custom of placing all the blocks edgewise.”
In illustration of his view of the claim he said:

“If apples keep best on end, a patent would not be granted for parking them thus. If cider keeps better by placing the bottles horizontally rather than perpendicularly, this could not be patented, as both methods are used. In neither case is there anything new.”

As the attorneys of the claimant had referred to the Tudor patent, the Commissioner remarked concerning it thus:
"This fact (i. e. about the air melting the ice,) was a discovery in distinction from an invention, and was not patentable. But Mr. Tudor contrived a mode of preventing the melting by filling up the interstices with non-conducting material, which was an invention, and, as such, the subject of a patent. Yet, if previous to that time, the interstices had been filled up with any non-conductor for some other purpose, and Mr. T. had merely discovered that it would prevent the admission of air, and thus the melting of the ice, he would not have been entitled to a patent. If the contrivance or invention patented by Mr. Tudor was not new at the time the patent was granted, then it only shows that the patent ought not to have been granted, but it is no argument in favor of the present claim.”

The Commissioner further said concerning the Tudor patent, ‘‘the novelty claimed in that case appears questionable.” He also ruled that Mr. Kemper's application covered two distinct inventions, which cannot be included in one patent. Judge Cranch in his decision referred to the Tudor patent thus:

"No judicial decision is produced affirming the validity of that patent, and it seems to me to rest upon very doubtful grounds; but it is to be presumed that the Commissioner who issued it was satisfied that the means used were a new invention.”

At the present day, in shipping ice for voyages of considerable length, saw-dust is used almost exclusively. It is placed immediately between the ice and the skin of the vessel. That used at Boston is obtained from Maine, and before its use for this purpose was entirely wasted at the saw mills, and [by]  falling into the streams[,] occasioned serious obstructions. Its average value as delivered at Boston is $2.50 per cord, and several thousand cords are required yearly. Not only do the sawmills find customers for their saw-dust which they are glad to be rid of, but the planing-mills likewise dispose of their shaving with which they formerly were bothered. The companies engaged in shipping ice from Boston now annually expend about $25,000 for shavings, saw-dust and rice-chaff. Thus these small things which were formerly a subject of cost to get rid of, now produce income.
There is a considerable variation in the original cost of the ice-crops of successive Winters, caused by the character of the seasons, which may or may not be favorable to securing ice. There is also a difference in the cost of stowing ice on board vessels caused by the greater or less[er] expense of the fittings required for voyages of different duration, or by difference of season when the shipments are made. Last year, 1857, the average cost of ice at Boston when stowed on board was estimated at $2 per tun, which is about the ordinary rate in common seasons.

Shippers of ice usually pay the expenses of loading and discharging their cargoes; and hence the freight money earned by a vessel is passed over to its owner or charterer without cost or deduction. The average rate of freights paid for ice shipped at Boston (for both coastwise and foreign ports) has been stated, in a report to the Board of Trade, to be about $2.50 per tun clean and clear to the ship owner. Vessels bound into the Gulf of Mexico take from 50,000 to 60,000 tuns annually, from which their owners derive on the average $120,000 freight. The receipts for a ship's cargo of ice to India are from 10 to 15 per cent of the earnings for the whole run of the ship out and home. It is considered that the ship owner generally derives as much profit from the business as the owners of the cargo, and often more.

The weight of ice for shipment is usually determined at the wharves immediately before being put on board, by scales constructed for that purpose; and this single operation settles the weight to be paid for by the party for whose account the ice is shipped, the amount due for freight on shipboard, for transportation to the wharf, and that which is to be received by the owner of the ice.

In the export as well as in the home trade there is always a large loss of ice from melting, breaking, etc. The waste varies according to circumstances, and ranges from 30 to 60 per cent. To deliver a shipment in India requires a voyage of 16,000 miles, occupying four or five months, during which the equator is crossed twice; and if one-half of the original cargo is delivered, it is considered a successful delivery.

The existence and increase of the export ice trade has materially benefited the commercial marine of Boston. Formerly, a large portion of the vessels employed in the freighting trade sailed from that port in ballast to southern latitudes, where they obtained cargoes of cotton, tobacco, sugar, rice, etc.; and the earnings of their return trips covered the expenses out and home. Now, something can be earned for the transportation of ice to those places where freighting vessels ordinarily obtain cargoes. The ice trade has generally been unsuccessful to places where profitable return freights cannot be obtained, because a considerable amount must be paid for conveying the ice to those places, and this it cannot bear; also because southern places which do not produce valuable exports are usually unable to consume expensive luxuries. It is probable that the ice trade of Boston has been one of the principal means of preserving to that city almost the whole of the American trade with Calcutta; and that it would effect an important increase of the Boston trade with China if that country was in a more quiet condition.

The exportation of American ice to England has now almost wholly ceased. The main reason for this is that the London and Liverpool dealers obtain large supplies from Norway more quickly and at cheaper rates than from any other foreign source. The cost, when delivered in the Thames, is from four to five dollars per tun. The great difference in the price has rendered the American article unsalable, although it is superior in quality to the Norwegian. Another reason is, that a difficulty has always existed about obtaining suitable storehouses in London; and this with other drawbacks has frequently been productive of much loss to shipping. Some years ago the St. Katherine's Dock Company built a dock warehouse expressly for ice, but it proved to be an imperfect protection. Mr. Lander, who first introduced the Wenham Lake ice into London, and Mr. Gould, who succeeded him in a large business, were pecuniarily ruined by the trade, though both were shrewd and experienced men; and several London ice dealers became bankrupts [sic] at subsequent periods.

In some of the cities of Italy the use of ice is more general among all classes than in any other portion of Europe. In Naples, Catania and the adjoining towns[,] the sale of ice and snow preserved in the caverns of Vesuvius has long been a considerable branch of trade. A recent letter from Turin refers to the warmer weather there, and contains the following:

"There is an abundance of ice, and the price is exceedingly low. The vendors do not weigh it, but give a large block for two or three sous [a French coin]. Generally speaking, it is perfectly clean, and as transparent as crystal; it is cheap enough to be in common use among the poorer classes. One sees fruit-women eating their dinners by their stalls, with a large lump of ice in their drinking jugs. The evenings, until 10 or 11 o'clock, are nearly as warm as the days; and the demand for frozen drinks in the cafés is prodigious.”
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We have but few items relative to the trade among other nations. The actual importance of the business in any community where it has been established, may best be estimated by a consideration of the result which would follow from the immediate discontinuance of it. In the United States a complete failure of the ice crop for any reason would occasion a positive loss of many millions of dollars. But no such disaster can be anticipated. So long as the earth endures[,] the seasons will continue their circling succession, and each will forever be characterized by the reproduction of its peculiar blessings.